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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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THE BATTLE FOR CHINA’ S PAST<br />

Media effect, public space <strong>and</strong> e-media<br />

That media set <strong>the</strong> public agenda <strong>and</strong> have an effect on what <strong>the</strong> public<br />

thinks is a well-known social phenomenon in contemporary life.<br />

McCombs <strong>and</strong> Shaw (1972) are credited as <strong>the</strong> first to have researched<br />

agenda setting; <strong>the</strong>y found that <strong>the</strong>re was an almost perfect correlation<br />

between media agenda <strong>and</strong> public opinion. Funkhouser (1973) also<br />

demonstrated a strong correlation between US media agendas <strong>and</strong><br />

public concerns, as measured by <strong>the</strong> ranking of issues in opinion polls.<br />

A study in West Germany by Brosius <strong>and</strong> Kepplinger (1990) demonstrates<br />

that while people’s own previous knowledge was important,<br />

media coverage did indeed raise public awareness. The media might<br />

not tell <strong>the</strong> public what to think but <strong>the</strong>y do tell <strong>the</strong>m what to think<br />

about. Brosius <strong>and</strong> Kepplinger also show that public awareness in turn<br />

exercises a significant causal influence on media coverage. Again,<br />

Dearing <strong>and</strong> Rogers (1996) show that among <strong>the</strong> agenda-setting<br />

research studies reviewed in <strong>the</strong>ir research, 60 per cent confirm a correlation<br />

between media <strong>and</strong> public agenda. They also find 1) that news<br />

organizations tend to hunt in packs, continually monitoring each<br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs’ output <strong>and</strong> following very similar editorial strategies, <strong>and</strong> 2)<br />

that real-world indicators are relatively unimportant in setting <strong>the</strong><br />

media agenda.<br />

Members of <strong>the</strong> Glasgow University Media Group also confirmed<br />

<strong>the</strong>se findings. People are able to resist dominant messages if <strong>the</strong>y can<br />

deploy personal experience in a critical way or have knowledge<br />

acquired through alternative sources (Eldridge et al 1997). For example<br />

those with direct experience of life in Nor<strong>the</strong>rn Irel<strong>and</strong> were more<br />

likely to question <strong>the</strong> dominant news definition of <strong>the</strong> ‘Troubles’<br />

(Miller 1994). However <strong>the</strong> Glasgow Group also finds that personal<br />

experience cannot be artificially isolated from ‘broad media <strong>and</strong><br />

cultural factors’ (Kitzinger 1999: 8). ‘Peoples’ experience cannot be<br />

regarded as a separate resource uncontaminated by previous media<br />

exposure’ (Manning 2001: 223). Kitzinger (1993) <strong>and</strong> Miller et al (1998)<br />

show that media 1) supply ‘facts <strong>and</strong> figures’, 2) develop vocabulary<br />

<strong>and</strong> 3) generate images that have a powerful impact upon public<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, ‘<strong>the</strong> media can be powerful influence<br />

on what audiences believe <strong>and</strong> what is thought to be legitimate or<br />

desirable’ (Philo 1999: 287)<br />

The Chinese government exerts very strict control over <strong>the</strong> official<br />

media. Precisely <strong>for</strong> this reason, <strong>the</strong> e-media as an alternative<br />

play a more important role in China than <strong>the</strong>y do in <strong>the</strong> West,<br />

making it possible <strong>for</strong> unofficial values <strong>and</strong> attitudes to be<br />

expressed <strong>and</strong> promoted among <strong>the</strong> Chinese. There have been lively<br />

debates on many issues important to China <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> world on <strong>the</strong><br />

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