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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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8 Challenging <strong>the</strong> hegemony:<br />

contrary narratives in <strong>the</strong><br />

e-media (II) – <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era<br />

Introduction: history in socioeconomic context<br />

One of <strong>the</strong> easily accepted arguments in attacking <strong>Mao</strong> <strong>the</strong> man is that<br />

he was a person of no original ideas, whose dark political manoeuvring<br />

was simply aimed at gaining <strong>and</strong> maintaining personal power.<br />

Looking from a perspective of this power struggle <strong>the</strong>sis, all <strong>the</strong> costs<br />

<strong>and</strong> victimizations on <strong>the</strong> trail of <strong>Mao</strong>’s political action were not only<br />

senseless <strong>and</strong> distasteful but actually evil. In Chapter 7 I have focused<br />

on how e-media participants challenge this accepted evaluation of <strong>Mao</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> man <strong>and</strong> some issues related to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>. One<br />

attempt in challenging <strong>the</strong> power struggle <strong>the</strong>sis is to bring <strong>the</strong> twoline<br />

struggle <strong>the</strong>sis back into <strong>the</strong> big picture. I find <strong>the</strong> two-line<br />

struggle <strong>the</strong>sis very convincing <strong>and</strong> believable because it fits more with<br />

documentary evidence <strong>and</strong> because it has more explanatory power in<br />

revealing <strong>the</strong> behaviour of <strong>the</strong> actors both at <strong>the</strong> top <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> lower<br />

levels at <strong>the</strong> time. It is more convincing <strong>and</strong> believable also because it<br />

involves politico-socioeconomic history instead of personal intrigues<br />

at <strong>Mao</strong>’s court. In this chapter we will see how e-media participants<br />

challenge <strong>the</strong> mainstream wisdom on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era by relating to <strong>the</strong> big<br />

pictures of political, social <strong>and</strong> economic issues.<br />

The state of <strong>the</strong> economy in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era <strong>and</strong> during <strong>the</strong><br />

<strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong><br />

Ever since <strong>the</strong> arrest of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> radicals immediately<br />

after <strong>the</strong> death of <strong>Mao</strong> in 1976 (so immediate that Jiang Qing is reportedly<br />

to have protested that <strong>Mao</strong> was being betrayed when his dead<br />

body was still warm), <strong>the</strong>re has been manufacturing of claims to show<br />

that <strong>Mao</strong> did not know <strong>and</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>rmore did not care about China’s<br />

economy, that <strong>the</strong> Gang of Four deliberately wanted to destroy China’s<br />

economy <strong>and</strong> that towards <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Chinese economy was on <strong>the</strong> brink of collapse.<br />

Deng Xiaoping was <strong>the</strong> architect of <strong>the</strong> fabrication of this truth.<br />

Deng (2007) claimed that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> held China up<br />

(danwu) <strong>for</strong> ten years <strong>and</strong> that <strong>for</strong> 20 years after 1957 China politically<br />

[ 137 ]

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