Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution
Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution
Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution
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8 Challenging <strong>the</strong> hegemony:<br />
contrary narratives in <strong>the</strong><br />
e-media (II) – <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era<br />
Introduction: history in socioeconomic context<br />
One of <strong>the</strong> easily accepted arguments in attacking <strong>Mao</strong> <strong>the</strong> man is that<br />
he was a person of no original ideas, whose dark political manoeuvring<br />
was simply aimed at gaining <strong>and</strong> maintaining personal power.<br />
Looking from a perspective of this power struggle <strong>the</strong>sis, all <strong>the</strong> costs<br />
<strong>and</strong> victimizations on <strong>the</strong> trail of <strong>Mao</strong>’s political action were not only<br />
senseless <strong>and</strong> distasteful but actually evil. In Chapter 7 I have focused<br />
on how e-media participants challenge this accepted evaluation of <strong>Mao</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> man <strong>and</strong> some issues related to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>. One<br />
attempt in challenging <strong>the</strong> power struggle <strong>the</strong>sis is to bring <strong>the</strong> twoline<br />
struggle <strong>the</strong>sis back into <strong>the</strong> big picture. I find <strong>the</strong> two-line<br />
struggle <strong>the</strong>sis very convincing <strong>and</strong> believable because it fits more with<br />
documentary evidence <strong>and</strong> because it has more explanatory power in<br />
revealing <strong>the</strong> behaviour of <strong>the</strong> actors both at <strong>the</strong> top <strong>and</strong> at <strong>the</strong> lower<br />
levels at <strong>the</strong> time. It is more convincing <strong>and</strong> believable also because it<br />
involves politico-socioeconomic history instead of personal intrigues<br />
at <strong>Mao</strong>’s court. In this chapter we will see how e-media participants<br />
challenge <strong>the</strong> mainstream wisdom on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era by relating to <strong>the</strong> big<br />
pictures of political, social <strong>and</strong> economic issues.<br />
The state of <strong>the</strong> economy in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era <strong>and</strong> during <strong>the</strong><br />
<strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong><br />
Ever since <strong>the</strong> arrest of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> radicals immediately<br />
after <strong>the</strong> death of <strong>Mao</strong> in 1976 (so immediate that Jiang Qing is reportedly<br />
to have protested that <strong>Mao</strong> was being betrayed when his dead<br />
body was still warm), <strong>the</strong>re has been manufacturing of claims to show<br />
that <strong>Mao</strong> did not know <strong>and</strong> fur<strong>the</strong>rmore did not care about China’s<br />
economy, that <strong>the</strong> Gang of Four deliberately wanted to destroy China’s<br />
economy <strong>and</strong> that towards <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Chinese economy was on <strong>the</strong> brink of collapse.<br />
Deng Xiaoping was <strong>the</strong> architect of <strong>the</strong> fabrication of this truth.<br />
Deng (2007) claimed that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> held China up<br />
(danwu) <strong>for</strong> ten years <strong>and</strong> that <strong>for</strong> 20 years after 1957 China politically<br />
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