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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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THE BATTLE FOR CHINA’ S PAST<br />

In <strong>the</strong> context of evaluating <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>, this chapter,<br />

like <strong>the</strong> previous one, fur<strong>the</strong>r appraises <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Mao</strong> re<strong>for</strong>ms. In such<br />

an appraisal <strong>the</strong> issue of whe<strong>the</strong>r life is better <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> Chinese in<br />

general at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> twenty-first century will be dealt with<br />

briefly. The chapter <strong>the</strong>n asks how far <strong>and</strong> in what way China has<br />

‘gone capitalist’. It will also examine whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>and</strong> how <strong>Mao</strong>ist socialist<br />

legacies still matter in China. Finally, <strong>the</strong> chapter finishes with a brief<br />

discussion of how ordinary workers <strong>and</strong> farmers see <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era in<br />

comparison to what has been happening since <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Mao</strong> re<strong>for</strong>ms<br />

Three questions about <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Mao</strong> re<strong>for</strong>ms<br />

When talking about <strong>the</strong> achievements of <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Mao</strong> re<strong>for</strong>ms, it is<br />

often taken <strong>for</strong> granted by <strong>the</strong> media that life <strong>for</strong> people in present-day<br />

China is better than it has ever been. But <strong>the</strong>re are people such as <strong>the</strong><br />

unemployed, <strong>the</strong> sick, <strong>the</strong> weak <strong>and</strong> millions <strong>and</strong> millions of rural<br />

people who would argue that by <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong> twenty-first<br />

century life has deteriorated to its worst point in <strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong><br />

PRC. This discrepancy of opinion reflects not only <strong>the</strong> growing socioeconomic<br />

stratification of contemporary Chinese society but also<br />

differences in beliefs <strong>and</strong> values.<br />

Most prominent Chinese CCP leaders, from Zhou Enlai to Deng<br />

Xiaoping <strong>and</strong> from Jiang Zemin to Hu Jintao, are nationalists ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than communists, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir overwhelming aspiration has been to<br />

make China strong <strong>and</strong> wealthy. Like many revolutionaries in developing<br />

countries, political radicalism <strong>for</strong> many Chinese revolutionaries<br />

was a means to an end of national unity <strong>and</strong> a wealthy China. If market<br />

capitalism is <strong>the</strong> way to achieve this end, <strong>the</strong>n by all means go <strong>for</strong> it.<br />

<strong>Mao</strong> too was a Chinese nationalist. However, it can be argued that<br />

<strong>for</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> national unity <strong>and</strong> national wealth were not just ends in <strong>the</strong>mselves.<br />

<strong>Mao</strong> was a post-Lenin Marxist who wanted to open up a path<br />

<strong>for</strong> new politics (Badiou 2005, Bosteels 2005). Some ideas experimented<br />

with during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> were <strong>Mao</strong>ist attempts to create<br />

new subjectivity (Wang Hui 2006). <strong>Mao</strong>ism, including many of <strong>the</strong><br />

ideas of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>, contributed to <strong>the</strong> imagination of<br />

modernity without capitalism (Amin 2006). It can be argued that <strong>the</strong><br />

rationale of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> is that cultural trans<strong>for</strong>mation is<br />

crucial to <strong>the</strong> consolidation of social <strong>and</strong> political change (Dirlik 2006).<br />

Deng, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r h<strong>and</strong>, would embrace any way, black cat or white<br />

cat, in order to make China strong <strong>and</strong> wealthy. Thus, <strong>the</strong>re is a crucial<br />

difference between <strong>Mao</strong>’s vision <strong>and</strong> what Deng Xiaoping wanted to<br />

see in China. Even in terms of material civilization it is not unequivocally<br />

clear that China is stronger <strong>and</strong> wealthier at <strong>the</strong> beginning of <strong>the</strong><br />

twenty-first century. Yes China is wealthier, but not necessarily<br />

[ 174 ]

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