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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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Social stratification<br />

THE BATTLE FOR CHINA’ S PAST<br />

Regarding social stratification in <strong>the</strong> urban sector in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mao</strong> era, it is<br />

true that <strong>the</strong>re was no business <strong>and</strong> economic elite class. But <strong>the</strong>re was<br />

a political <strong>and</strong> professional elite class who had all kinds of entitlements<br />

(Yang Jiang 2003) despite <strong>Mao</strong>’s political movements aimed at <strong>the</strong>m.<br />

Since <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Mao</strong> re<strong>for</strong>ms, however, <strong>the</strong> privilege <strong>and</strong> entitlements of<br />

<strong>the</strong> political <strong>and</strong> professional elite class have been restored <strong>and</strong> encouraged<br />

to grow. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Deng’s policy of ‘let some get rich first’ has<br />

resulted in <strong>the</strong> creation of a business elite class.<br />

Deterioration of working conditions encouraged by <strong>the</strong> state<br />

Even today, no state-owned enterprises in China would allow <strong>the</strong> kind<br />

of penal labour disciplines <strong>and</strong> harmful working conditions that<br />

prevail in privately owned firms (Chan 2001, Weil 2006). Western<br />

companies’ hypocrisy <strong>and</strong> Chinese authorities’ complicity can be illustrated<br />

by an open letter to President Jiang Zemin, jointly written by <strong>the</strong><br />

CEOs of Phillips-Van-Heusen, Reebok, <strong>and</strong> Levi Strauss in 1999, which<br />

requested a meeting to discuss <strong>the</strong> possibility of ‘working toge<strong>the</strong>r’ to<br />

improve labour rights in China (Emerson 2000). The sincerity of this<br />

request is open to question precisely because <strong>the</strong> letter was ‘open’. It is<br />

meant to serve <strong>the</strong> purpose of presenting an image of <strong>the</strong> companies as<br />

‘caring’ to <strong>the</strong>ir Western customers. The intention of spinning is<br />

confirmed by <strong>the</strong> fact that McDonald’s in China tried to prevent<br />

workers in its franchises from <strong>for</strong>ming trade unions, <strong>the</strong> fact that ‘fastfood<br />

giants McDonald’s, Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) <strong>and</strong> Pizza Hut<br />

have been caught underpaying <strong>the</strong>ir young work<strong>for</strong>ce in China by as<br />

much as 40 per cent below <strong>the</strong> already abysmal legal minimum wage’<br />

(Kolo 2007) <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> fact that <strong>the</strong> multinationals lobbied in 2007 to<br />

delete or reduce <strong>the</strong> <strong>for</strong>ce of terms in favour of workers when <strong>the</strong><br />

Chinese government attempted to introduce a labour law so that<br />

workers are in some way protected by contact (Shafer 2007). 4<br />

In any case, <strong>the</strong> Chinese government showed no interest in talking<br />

to <strong>the</strong> three CEOs (Emerson 2000). In fact, <strong>the</strong> plight of <strong>the</strong> migrant<br />

workers is not what concerns <strong>the</strong> Chinese authorities. The Chinese<br />

ruling elite at every level has been competing to lure outside capital by<br />

giving preferential treatments to capital <strong>and</strong> would side with capital<br />

whenever <strong>and</strong> wherever <strong>the</strong>re is a labour dispute. Although Chinese<br />

labour law stipulates that <strong>the</strong> maximum working week should not<br />

exceed 44 hours, one case study shows that workers in factories that<br />

produce shoes <strong>for</strong> Clarks <strong>and</strong> Skechers may work as long as 81 hours<br />

a week (Zhong Dajun 2005). This, of course, is not an isolated case.<br />

Many studies have demonstrated <strong>the</strong> horrifying working conditions<br />

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