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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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through him. It turned out that what Liao meant was that <strong>the</strong>re was a<br />

Sichuan province document that recorded that <strong>the</strong>re were a total 62.36<br />

million people in Sichuan in 1960. Liao <strong>the</strong>n explained that <strong>the</strong> death<br />

toll must be 10 million since <strong>the</strong> total 1957 population as shown by <strong>the</strong><br />

annual state statistics was 72.157 million. Li Xuanyuan (2007) <strong>the</strong>n asks<br />

three questions: 1) how do <strong>the</strong> 72.157 million figures come about? 2)<br />

Can one arrive at a 10-million famine death toll by just taking away<br />

one year’s figures from those of ano<strong>the</strong>r? 3) Why did Liao wait until<br />

2004 when both Hu Yaobang <strong>and</strong> Yang Shangkun were safely dead to<br />

reveal such important meetings?<br />

Li <strong>the</strong>n provides two instances of demographic movement from his<br />

personal experience (Li is also from Sichuan province) that may explain<br />

some of <strong>the</strong> demographic change. These instances of demographic<br />

movements have hardly been noticed or studied by scholars of <strong>the</strong> issue.<br />

One instance is a personal move that was not accounted <strong>for</strong> in official<br />

statistics. Because of starvation <strong>the</strong> husb<strong>and</strong> of Li’s older sister left his<br />

village in 1959 <strong>and</strong> moved to Tianchi coal mine to work as a miner.<br />

Because he left without permission, his village cancelled his household<br />

registration. He registered as a rural person when he came back to <strong>the</strong><br />

village in 1963. This is an example of one person missing during <strong>the</strong><br />

famine years but one person more on <strong>the</strong> official records afterwards.<br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r instance is that <strong>the</strong>re were officially sanctioned movements.<br />

When <strong>the</strong> Great Leap Forward started <strong>the</strong>re was great<br />

expansion of local enterprises <strong>and</strong> industrial decentralization. In <strong>the</strong><br />

process millions of rural people were enrolled into <strong>the</strong> industrial<br />

sector. When <strong>the</strong> famine began to take effect <strong>the</strong> Chinese authorities, at<br />

Chen Yun’s suggestion, repatriated those workers. This movement<br />

created a situation in which some people appeared to have disappeared<br />

from rural areas during <strong>the</strong> Great Leap Forward but <strong>the</strong>n<br />

reappeared as rural residents. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, this sudden movement<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n a sudden repatriation in a matter of three or four years of so<br />

many millions of people inevitably created problems <strong>for</strong> records even<br />

if <strong>the</strong>re had been a good statistics collection system. But, as everyone<br />

in <strong>and</strong> outside China agrees, <strong>the</strong>re was no such system. Li, again,<br />

provides a personal experience of this demographic change. In Gao<br />

Village where <strong>the</strong> total population was not more than 200 at that time<br />

<strong>the</strong>re was an inflow of a family of four repatriated from Jingdezhen<br />

(Gao 1999a).<br />

Food shortage <strong>and</strong> a metaphor<br />

THE BATTLE FOR CHINA’ S PAST<br />

The main argument presented by Lao Tian (2006a) <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rs about <strong>the</strong><br />

rationing of food highlights <strong>the</strong> difference between <strong>the</strong> strategy of<br />

national consumption <strong>and</strong> that of national accumulation. A metaphorical<br />

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