Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution
Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution
Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution
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2 Constructing history:<br />
memories, values <strong>and</strong><br />
identity<br />
Introduction: speech act of identification<br />
Ever since <strong>the</strong> late 1980s, memoirs, autobiographies <strong>and</strong> biographies<br />
have overwhelmingly stigmatized at <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> as ten<br />
years of chaos, calamities or even holocaust. In this influx of remembering,<br />
in contemporary China <strong>the</strong> Chinese appear to have awoken<br />
from a nightmare after which justice is sought, wounds are to be<br />
healed, <strong>the</strong> bad <strong>and</strong> evil are condemned, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> good <strong>and</strong> reasonable<br />
are endued with power <strong>and</strong> glory. In this enterprise of remembering,<br />
<strong>the</strong> past memories have a moral as well as a truth claim. But can ten<br />
years’ lived experience during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> years be<br />
reduced to a bad dream? What were so many millions of intelligent<br />
<strong>and</strong> reasonable Chinese thinking <strong>and</strong> doing in <strong>the</strong>se years?<br />
An answer that is constantly on offer is that <strong>the</strong> Chinese were ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />
brutally suppressed <strong>and</strong>/or brainwashed by a Communist regime led<br />
by a power-hungry dictator. In contrast to this cold war interpretation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> based on <strong>the</strong> assumption that <strong>the</strong> Chinese were no less reasonable<br />
<strong>the</strong>n <strong>and</strong> no less brainwashed now, this chapter argues that <strong>the</strong> moral<br />
<strong>and</strong> truth claims of this remembering of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> are<br />
necessarily constructions. Inspired by Ricoeur’s ideas of memories,<br />
<strong>for</strong>getfulness <strong>and</strong> identity, I propose that memory is not a thing that is<br />
recalled, but an act of identity. According to what Ricoeur calls ‘narrative<br />
identity’, to tell a story of one’s life is to make sense of it (Popkin<br />
2005). But one needs a conceptual framework to organize <strong>the</strong> story so<br />
that sense can be made of. It is argued in this chapter that <strong>the</strong> conceptual<br />
framework in post-<strong>Mao</strong> China that organizes Chinese memories is<br />
dominantly <strong>the</strong> contemporary version of qimeng (Enlightenment), that<br />
is, liberal democracy <strong>and</strong> market capitalism. According to this conceptual<br />
framework, anything that happens in China, past or present, is<br />
only transitional until <strong>and</strong> unless China becomes part of <strong>the</strong> West in its<br />
political system <strong>and</strong> cultural values.<br />
Memories are not only about <strong>the</strong> past, but also constitute a <strong>for</strong>m of<br />
knowledge. The narrative of atrocity of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> is not<br />
just a retelling of past experience but also a speech act of political identity.<br />
In <strong>the</strong> early stage of <strong>the</strong> development of this narrative, to retell<br />
<strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> atrocities was to rehearse <strong>the</strong> political speech act<br />
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