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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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THE BATTLE FOR CHINA’ S PAST<br />

of scientific progress at this time. Particularly notable <strong>for</strong> popular scientific<br />

education is <strong>the</strong> science of paleoanthropology. Guided by <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory<br />

that labour creates <strong>and</strong> defines humanity, <strong>and</strong> that labour is <strong>the</strong> driving<br />

<strong>for</strong>ce behind human development, <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong>re<strong>for</strong>e <strong>the</strong> labouring<br />

masses are <strong>the</strong> bearers of <strong>the</strong> torch of science, popular science such as is<br />

exemplified by <strong>the</strong> magazine Fossils emerged in spite of resistance from<br />

<strong>the</strong> elite intelligentsia (Schmalzer 2006).<br />

<strong>Mao</strong>’s political experiment, <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>, like all o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

social revolutions be<strong>for</strong>e it, claimed many victims. It did however, again<br />

like o<strong>the</strong>r social revolutions, have some positive outcomes. It encouraged<br />

grassroots participation in management <strong>and</strong> it also inspired <strong>the</strong><br />

idea of popular democracy. The mass criticism practised in <strong>the</strong> era of<br />

<strong>Mao</strong> in general <strong>and</strong> during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> in particular, though<br />

ritualized <strong>and</strong> mobilized from <strong>the</strong> top, did provide a rich repertoire of<br />

protest techniques (Perry 2003). ‘Members of <strong>the</strong> Red Guards were not<br />

just passive followers of a charismatic leader, but agents actively<br />

involved in a variety of ideological disputes <strong>and</strong> contests <strong>for</strong> power’<br />

(Calhoun <strong>and</strong> Wasserstrom 2003: 251). The Chinese were not <strong>the</strong> brainless<br />

masses manipulated by a ruthless dictator so often portrayed in <strong>the</strong><br />

Western media. They must be seen as agents of history <strong>and</strong> subjects of<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir own lives like any o<strong>the</strong>r people. Anyone who seriously believes in<br />

<strong>the</strong> inherent value of individualism, in <strong>the</strong> self-evident truth of <strong>the</strong><br />

human pursuit of happiness, or <strong>the</strong> universal value of human rights <strong>and</strong><br />

democracy should be sympa<strong>the</strong>tic with this position.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> area of industrial development, <strong>Mao</strong> took a strongly socialist<br />

view, concerning himself with eradicating <strong>the</strong> usual divide between <strong>the</strong><br />

rural <strong>and</strong> urban. Under his leadership a strategy was developed <strong>and</strong><br />

implemented to trial a decentralized non-Soviet <strong>for</strong>m of industry<br />

programme. It was proposed that <strong>the</strong> rural population could become<br />

industrialized without a need to build cities or urban ghettos, a strategy<br />

initiated during <strong>the</strong> Great Leap Forward, shelved because of <strong>the</strong> famine<br />

disaster, but picked up again during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>. As Wong<br />

(2003: 203) shows, by <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> decade of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> in<br />

1979, <strong>the</strong>re were nearly 800,000 industrial enterprises scattered in<br />

villages <strong>and</strong> small towns, plus almost 90,000 small hydroelectric stations.<br />

These enterprises employed nearly 25 million workers <strong>and</strong> produced an<br />

estimated 15 per cent of <strong>the</strong> national industrial output. This development<br />

provided <strong>the</strong> critical preconditions <strong>for</strong> <strong>the</strong> rapid growth of township <strong>and</strong><br />

village enterprises in <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Mao</strong> re<strong>for</strong>m period.<br />

In much of <strong>the</strong> literature that is reviewed <strong>and</strong> discussed in this book,<br />

<strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> is conceptualized as a personal power struggle<br />

by <strong>Mao</strong>, who manipulated <strong>the</strong> party, <strong>the</strong> army, <strong>the</strong> students <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Chinese people. However, what was proclaimed <strong>and</strong> recognized<br />

during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> was that a continuous revolution was<br />

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