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Battle for China's Past : Mao and the Cultural Revolution

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INTRODUCTION<br />

Chapter 1 opens with a debate on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> <strong>and</strong> asks<br />

whe<strong>the</strong>r it was ten years of catastrophe (shi nian haojie), who were ‘<strong>the</strong><br />

Chinese’ who were adversely affected by it, what were <strong>the</strong> causes of <strong>the</strong><br />

violence, <strong>and</strong> what was <strong>the</strong> extent of violence, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re were<br />

constructive achievements during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> <strong>and</strong> if so what<br />

were <strong>the</strong>y, <strong>and</strong> what was <strong>the</strong> impact on Chinese culture <strong>and</strong> tradition.<br />

This chapter argues that <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>, while very violent,<br />

was not a ten-year calamity <strong>for</strong> China; that <strong>the</strong> party <strong>and</strong> elite intelligentsia<br />

cannot speak on behalf of all Chinese; that <strong>the</strong> causes of violence<br />

were many <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> extent of violence has been exaggerated; that <strong>the</strong>re<br />

were many constructive <strong>and</strong> creative developments during <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong><br />

<strong>Revolution</strong> that have been ignored or denigrated by <strong>the</strong> post-<strong>Cultural</strong><br />

<strong>Revolution</strong> narrative; <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> destruction of culture <strong>and</strong> tradition<br />

has been exaggerated. Much of <strong>the</strong> discussion focuses on <strong>the</strong> debate over<br />

<strong>the</strong> question of cultural <strong>and</strong> religious destruction in Tibet. A major argument<br />

is that this was not a result of ethnic strife or Chinese chauvinism<br />

or imperialism, but due to <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of class struggle <strong>and</strong> was justified<br />

by a Marxist interpretation of historical progression. In this regard, this<br />

chapter will render support to scholars such as Sautman (2006) who<br />

argues that <strong>the</strong> Western world in particular has been hugely misled by<br />

claims of <strong>the</strong> Tibetan exiles that ethnic or cultural genocide has been<br />

committed <strong>the</strong>re, <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> same conception that should in<strong>for</strong>m our<br />

opinions about China generally applies with regard to Tibet. That<br />

conception is that <strong>the</strong> oppression of <strong>the</strong> old society was much more<br />

widely experienced by its majority over many centuries than any of <strong>the</strong><br />

mistakes made during <strong>the</strong> course of trans<strong>for</strong>ming Tibetan society.<br />

Chapter 2 develops <strong>the</strong> argument that memories are not only<br />

about events, but also constitute a <strong>for</strong>m of knowledge. The narrative<br />

of atrocity of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> is not just a retelling of past<br />

experience but also an act of identification with certain political <strong>and</strong><br />

cultural values. From <strong>the</strong> literature of <strong>the</strong> wounded (or ‘scar literature’)<br />

to <strong>the</strong> ‘calamities’ discourse of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong>, <strong>the</strong><br />

retelling of <strong>the</strong> past can be seen as an act of political identification<br />

with certain hegemonic Western political <strong>and</strong> cultural values. It was<br />

a neo-Enlightenment act to retrieve what was seen as being ab<strong>and</strong>oned<br />

by <strong>the</strong> May Fourth Movement: <strong>the</strong> striving <strong>for</strong> a Western<br />

vision of humanism <strong>and</strong> democracy. Since <strong>the</strong> late 1990s <strong>the</strong> denunciation<br />

of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Cultural</strong> <strong>Revolution</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> era of <strong>Mao</strong> has gone h<strong>and</strong> in<br />

h<strong>and</strong> with <strong>the</strong> discursive hegemony of neoliberalism. By analysing<br />

<strong>the</strong> phenomenon of <strong>the</strong> ‘Two whatevers’ (whatever China does is<br />

wrong <strong>and</strong> whatever <strong>the</strong> United States does is right) among Chinese<br />

neoliberal dissidents, <strong>the</strong> chapter advances <strong>the</strong> argument <strong>for</strong> a correlation<br />

between <strong>the</strong> condemnation of socialist revolution <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> elite<br />

desire <strong>for</strong> political <strong>and</strong> cultural value identification with <strong>the</strong> West.<br />

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