DYB2011-Part-II-web
DYB2011-Part-II-web
DYB2011-Part-II-web
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United Nations Disarmament Yearbook 2011: <strong>Part</strong> <strong>II</strong><br />
276<br />
• Slovenia, which had long supported the FMCT, believed that the treaty would<br />
not only lead to a world free of nuclear weapons, but also complemented the<br />
NPT and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. Pointing out the urgency<br />
of commencing negotiations, Slovenia expressed regret that the original draft’s<br />
paragraph 2, which would have requested the Secretary-General to establish a<br />
group of governmental experts to identify options for an FMCT, was removed<br />
in the final draft. In its view, that text would have provided new impetus to start<br />
those long-awaited negotiations.<br />
• Liechtenstein, expressing disappointment at the general lack of progress made<br />
thus far by the CD, would have preferred to see an earlier version of the draft<br />
resolution, which had called for a governmental expert group in the absence<br />
of an agreed programme of work for the CD in due time. It hoped that, in the<br />
next session of the General Assembly, different initiatives could be merged in<br />
order to create one strong resolution that would carry multilateral disarmament<br />
negotiations forward.<br />
• China voted in favour of the draft resolution based on its consistent support<br />
for the early commencement of negotiations on an FMCT. It also stressed that<br />
the CD was the only appropriate forum for the negotiation and adoption of an<br />
FMCT. Given that paragraphs 2 and 3 were inconsistent with that view, China<br />
abstained in the voting on those paragraphs.<br />
• Brazil stressed that negotiations on an FMCT should not be launched at the risk<br />
of the CD’s future as the single legitimate multilateral forum for disarmament<br />
negotiations. Furthermore, efforts should be made to hold negotiations or<br />
deliberations on nuclear disarmament, negative security assurances and the<br />
prevention of an arms race in outer space. It also did not encourage the future<br />
establishment of parallel mechanisms to the CD. It was convinced that the best<br />
solution was the convening of a fourth special session of the General Assembly<br />
devoted to disarmament in order to have a true revision of the United Nations<br />
disarmament machinery.<br />
Five States, which abstained in the vote, delivered statements:<br />
• The Islamic Republic of Iran pointed out that the General Assembly should<br />
not be misused as leverage to prioritize the items on the Conference’s agenda.<br />
It believed that starting negotiations in the CD on a phased programme for the<br />
complete elimination of nuclear weapons within a specified timeline should<br />
receive the highest priority on the agenda of the Conference. That programme<br />
should include the conclusion of a nuclear weapons convention. The Islamic<br />
Republic of Iran strongly believed that an FMCT should not be developed as<br />
a mere non-proliferation instrument and must cover past and future production<br />
of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices and<br />
provide for their total destruction.<br />
• Indonesia was not convinced that some new elements in this year’s draft<br />
resolution would contribute positively to common efforts to urge the<br />
Conference to meet its obligations as the sole multilateral negotiating forum<br />
for disarmament, and disagreed that any issue before the Conference should be<br />
taken outside the Conference before 2012. Such a deadline for discussing FMCT<br />
issues outside the CD would also tip the already delicate balance between the<br />
progress made on non-proliferation and on nuclear disarmament issues. It was