The Boot and Shoe Trades in London and Paris in the Long Eighteenth Century

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Restrictions were not on shapes, but on material used that became standardised in the form of leather both for men and women. It is in this context that shoemakers were trying to differentiate their products from those of their competitors. If quality was not self-apparent or the most important competitive advantage, other ways of differentiating products and producers had to be found. It is not surprising therefore that the concept of griffe was introduced in footwear at the end of the eighteenth century, becoming widespread in the 1830s. The Guildhall trade card collection presents a trade card by Hasloch, a ladies' shoemaker in Covent Garden, dated c. 1790. In reality it is a label to be set in the instep of a pair of shoes (illustration 3.1). It clearly shows how important it was not only to advertise a producer or shop, but also to associate his name to the product. As the 1815 Almanach des Modes reported: "A Londres comme a Paris, in ne suffit pas que vos vêtements soient bien faits, ii faut encore qu 'ii sortent de tel ou tel atelier".65 3.3 Product differentiation Standardisation can surely be considered a new and challenging field of research connecting consumption and pre-industrial production. Other types of productive requirements also seem to be part of the changes of the eighteenth- century consumer society. Subjects such as variety and quality, which are basic concepts in a discourse on product differentiation, only recently appeared in the economic-history agenda. 66 My analysis of a specific product is a micro investigation in the diversity of consumer goods. A specific case study should provide some insights on the links between product differentiation and specialisation of production. Probably the earliest surviving printed label is for a pair of shoes made in London in 1744. I owe this reference to Miss June Swann (Letter dated 15th June 2000). 65 Al,,,ch des modes et annuaire des modes, cit., p. 136. P.C. Reynard, 'Manufacturing quality in the pre-industrial age', cit., pp. 493-5 16; D. Kuchta, 'The making of the self-made man: class, clothing and English masculinity, 1688-1832', in V. de Grazia and E. Furlough, eds., The sex of things, cit., p. 55. 109
Illustration 3.1 - Trade card of G. Hasloch, Ladies' shoemaker in Covent Garden, 1790s £,;'- '' //• J(A!L1/\\ ' L.%I)IF.S1 UOE 7 ( :_ (J'8) ' 4"'! (vvrflt GMrtI1tflVi Source: Guildhall Library, Prints Department, Trade Cards Collection: 'Hasloch' 110
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Giorgio Riello PhD Thesis in Histor
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"A GENTLE craft, I sit so snug, Wit
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This research would have not been c
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Table of Contents Abstract page Ii
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Chapter 5 - Production of Boots and
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List of Tables 1.1 - Number of lice
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List of Figures 1.1 - Hides and ski
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List of Illustrations 3.1 - Trade c
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6.1 - Boot and shoe shops in London
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These are the theoretical reasons t
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concentrate on recent changes in th
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The use of the micro-analytic appro
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production are examined. The eighte
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industrial period. If we consider t
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inventories for the period 1788 to
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In the London Company the dissociat
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typology of products and producers,
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not yet completely mechanised) proc
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Part I of this thesis highlights th
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1.1 Introduction Chapter 1 The Raw
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E 60 50 40 30 20 10 Figure 1.1 - Hi
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a - .- 1-i .- 0 'I 26
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were tanning, currying and oil dres
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important centre for tanning and cu
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1/3 of the total export of French l
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Table 1.6 - Different types of leat
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England. These numbers, however, ha
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1812 (figures 1.1 and 1.3). If we c
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dark colour of the leather produced
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60000.000 50.000.000 40.000.000 30.
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'1 250.000 200,000 150,000 100,000
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National leather market, abolishing
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leather. After the hide had been tr
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the revolutionary government mainta
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trade. 92 The quarrel (discussed in
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gave substantial financial aid to t
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Chapter 2 The Role of Guilds "une c
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Page 79 and 80: of shoes adding up to 1/3 of new le
Page 81 and 82: models are related only to a rural
Page 83 and 84: stratification of the workshop over
Page 85 and 86: 900 800 700 60(1 40(1 300 200 10: F
Page 87 and 88: in all the periods considered. 52 S
Page 89 and 90: same chain of production, such as b
Page 91 and 92: eality life in the master's househo
Page 93 and 94: their respective trades.73 In cordw
Page 95 and 96: membership of the company and the e
Page 97 and 98: very low. In London a particular pr
Page 99 and 100: masters to employ journeymen who ha
Page 101 and 102: trade. It was also the formal recog
Page 103 and 104: inside the family business.' 17 Wom
Page 105 and 106: influence of new forces of change.'
Page 107 and 108: The purpose of part II of my thesis
Page 109 and 110: Chapter 3 Consumption and footwear
Page 111 and 112: theme of standardisation and its re
Page 113 and 114: Table 3.1 - Gregory King's estimate
Page 115 and 116: In the case of boots and shoes the
Page 117 and 118: limited, not in number but in value
Page 119 and 120: places like Petticoat Lane that, as
Page 121 and 122: with a total amount of £9,073 valu
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Page 125: should not think that ready-made sh
Page 129 and 130: -9. N I 1Ii _ [;:T:TT T-T 1 i 1: Iw
Page 131 and 132: 120 100 80. 60 Figure 3.6 - Prices
Page 133 and 134: As we will see in detail in the fol
Page 135 and 136: What can appear to us particularly
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Page 139 and 140: According to Jean Morin, women's st
Page 141 and 142: Illustration 3.4 - Portrait of Loui
Page 143 and 144: Illustration 3.5 - Early eighteenth
Page 145 and 146: will be going home on horseback".'
Page 147 and 148: Illustration 3.7 - Wellington Boot
Page 149 and 150: Dictionnaire of 1859 reported that
Page 151 and 152: Illustration 3.8 - Eighteenth and e
Page 153 and 154: Illustration 3.9 — Portrait of La
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Page 157 and 158: Illustration 3.10 - Pair of women's
Page 159 and 160: One of the missing points in the di
Page 161 and 162: However French fashion became domin
Page 163 and 164: II S -.--- fli Illustration 3.13 -
Page 165 and 166: Illustration 3.14 - Lady's silk bro
Page 167 and 168: Illustration 3.15 - 'Crossing-Sweep
Page 169 and 170: to be imposed "as being greatly con
Page 171 and 172: Chapter 4 Retailing Boots and Shoes
Page 173 and 174: Illustration 4.1 — Measuring inst
Page 175 and 176: production.'° Symptomatic are the
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Moreover the expanding transoceanic
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Forty years later (circa 1760s and
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Illustration 4.5 - Trade card of C.
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illustration 4.7 - Trade card of Ja
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These new retailing systems were as
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Illustration 4.10— Trade card of
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4.3 The culture of display 4.3.1 Sh
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Sophie Von La Roche describing Lond
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Furze at 65 Fleet Street occupied t
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Illustration 4.14 - Trade card of S
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Table 4.1 - Shoe shops in England i
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Illustration 4.15 - Trade cards of
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Table 4.2 - Specialisation in boot
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unning a small business, he had not
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Illustration 4.17 - Pattison's shoe
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V, - _I;;a Illustration 4.18 - Engl
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Table 4.5 - Prices at Wimpory, boot
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Sir, We have this day received a le
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300 250 200 ISO I00 50 0 Figure 4.3
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A series of letters had to be excha
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Corrections to the Account books as
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Illustration 4.20 - Snip's warehous
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century and follow a well-establish
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evolutionary and pre-mechanised mea
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show how the sector was neither sta
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a business carried out on a large s
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Table 5.2 - Insurance by London sho
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century, cordwainers represented in
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In the course of the century there
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Masters had to control journeymen i
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5.3.1 The financing ofproduction Su
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The most important information prov
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= 14 12 10 ': : 4 2 100 90 80 6O 1:
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Figure 5.8 - Classic space juxtapos
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one shop. For the high-class shop i
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E E 100 98 96 94 92 90 88 Figure 5.
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expanding market. 66 In 1783 an adv
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shoemakers who produced the entire
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Newgate Street in London for the "s
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estricted to only nine London shoem
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homes, to make by hands." 96 Follow
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otherwise declining economy.' 0' As
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improved by the Leicestershire shoe
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important changes in productive pro
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Part III - Towards Industrialisatio
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Chapter 6 Competition, 1815-1850 "L
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Cordonniers du Règne de Louis XVL"
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The increase in shoe importation in
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St. James's in the London West End,
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As from figures 6.3 and 6.4 the Fre
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In such a situation a long series o
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the more traditional productive env
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The strikes of 1825 and 1826 affect
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V nj '.4 rFj nj . nj 0 .- - V — '
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IL V V — .- E V 0 C 0 0 C .— .-
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journeymen shoemakers also had to f
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the manufacture of English sole lea
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This analysis shows a new perspecti
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Illustration 6.1 - Pair of early ni
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Illustration 6.2 - Shoe produced by
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The real or apparent difference bet
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Illustration 6.5 - Straight and lef
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These changes rendered more difficu
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6.6.3 The competition in bootmaking
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6.7 Conclusion The focus of my anal
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Chapter 7 Divergence: London and Pa
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evolution' has presented new questi
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The separation of production and re
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French shoe trades. At the 1851 Gre
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eprésenter plusieurs centaines de
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espoke production was a widespread
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6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000
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90 per cent of the men employed in
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0 70.000 60.000 50.000 - 40.000 - 3
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compared to other European states a
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underlined: many Parisian manufactu
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1. Methodology Conclusion Stepping
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integrating economic rationality, s
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extensive literature on guilds in F
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Bibliography
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. DQ'° 580: dossier 3004. Archive
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1752), vi (1752-1771). • MS 7354:
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Surrey. • B 3/3826: 26 November 1
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Court of Parliament; shewing (f the
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Laws and Statutes • Laws and Stat
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micro 52.474. • Command Papers -
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cuirs etpeaux, etc. (Paris: 1816).
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• Exposition publique des produit
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• Nouvelle encyclopédie des arts
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cure of corns, bunnions, callositie
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Secondary Sources • A. Adburgham,
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• M. Berg, 'Protoindustializzazio
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politics in England, 1550-1800 (Lon
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• A. Dyer, 'Midlands', in P. Clar
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• D. Garrioch, 'House names, shop
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(Venezia: Istituto Veneto di Scienz
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• A.H. Cole and G.B. Watts, The h
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The Boot and Shoe Trades in London and Paris in the Long Eighteenth Century

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