The Boot and Shoe Trades in London and Paris in the Long Eighteenth Century

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extensive literature on guilds in France and England. Two themes have been considered here. The first relates to the power of the State in organising the economic world through institutions such as guilds; the second is the decline of guilds and the destiny of the associated trades. 3 Finally, chapters 6 and 7 have been based on the important, although not extensive, literature on the comparative development of France and Britain in the nineteenth century. In this case the aim has been to pinpoint the focal differences between Paris and London. It is important to underline the influence of other historiographical approaches that converge through the entire thesis. I tried to be aware of the particular nature of the economic environment taken into consideration. What is an urban space and its historical evolution have been basic concepts in the construction of this thesis. Historical geography and urban history have played a significant part in researching not just historical but also spatial precision. I have drawn very much from the historical literature on consumption, retailing and production within urban spaces. My interest has then been focused on the relationship between the particular urban space of metropolises such as London and Paris and the so-called provinces. The historical explanation that sees the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a period of migration of productive activities to the provinces has been critically examined for the boot and shoe trade. In this thesis I have argued that the relationship between metropolis and province is neither straightforward nor unilateral. London remained for a longer period than previously thought as the business mind behind the trade. The same can be said for Paris where only the transformation of the sector through mechanisation meant a re-location of production. An amended version of this chapter has been published as 'The shaping of a family trade: the London Cordwainers' Company in the eighteenth century', in I. Gadd and P. Wallis, eds., Guilds, society and economy in London, 1450-1800 (London, 2001), pp. 141-59. 317
3. Conclusion This thesis does not aim to survey the entire history of boot and shoemaking in Britain and France over nearly two centuries. There has been a choice of themes and problems to analyse. An important subject such as labour has been here nearly totally excluded. The same can be said about technology. This is the cost of a strict word limit and lots of things to say. 318
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Giorgio Riello PhD Thesis in Histor
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"A GENTLE craft, I sit so snug, Wit
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This research would have not been c
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Table of Contents Abstract page Ii
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Chapter 5 - Production of Boots and
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List of Tables 1.1 - Number of lice
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List of Figures 1.1 - Hides and ski
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List of Illustrations 3.1 - Trade c
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6.1 - Boot and shoe shops in London
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These are the theoretical reasons t
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concentrate on recent changes in th
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The use of the micro-analytic appro
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production are examined. The eighte
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industrial period. If we consider t
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inventories for the period 1788 to
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In the London Company the dissociat
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typology of products and producers,
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not yet completely mechanised) proc
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Part I of this thesis highlights th
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1.1 Introduction Chapter 1 The Raw
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E 60 50 40 30 20 10 Figure 1.1 - Hi
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a - .- 1-i .- 0 'I 26
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were tanning, currying and oil dres
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important centre for tanning and cu
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1/3 of the total export of French l
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Table 1.6 - Different types of leat
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England. These numbers, however, ha
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1812 (figures 1.1 and 1.3). If we c
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dark colour of the leather produced
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60000.000 50.000.000 40.000.000 30.
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'1 250.000 200,000 150,000 100,000
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National leather market, abolishing
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leather. After the hide had been tr
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the revolutionary government mainta
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trade. 92 The quarrel (discussed in
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gave substantial financial aid to t
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Chapter 2 The Role of Guilds "une c
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through technological and organisat
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saddlemakers and others who were pa
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of shoes adding up to 1/3 of new le
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models are related only to a rural
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stratification of the workshop over
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900 800 700 60(1 40(1 300 200 10: F
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in all the periods considered. 52 S
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same chain of production, such as b
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eality life in the master's househo
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their respective trades.73 In cordw
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membership of the company and the e
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very low. In London a particular pr
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masters to employ journeymen who ha
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trade. It was also the formal recog
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inside the family business.' 17 Wom
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influence of new forces of change.'
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The purpose of part II of my thesis
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Chapter 3 Consumption and footwear
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theme of standardisation and its re
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Table 3.1 - Gregory King's estimate
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In the case of boots and shoes the
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limited, not in number but in value
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places like Petticoat Lane that, as
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with a total amount of £9,073 valu
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600,000 500,000 400,000 ' 300,000 2
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should not think that ready-made sh
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Illustration 3.1 - Trade card of G.
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-9. N I 1Ii _ [;:T:TT T-T 1 i 1: Iw
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120 100 80. 60 Figure 3.6 - Prices
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As we will see in detail in the fol
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What can appear to us particularly
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C 2.. 0 0 2.. 0 C rI C 0 8.. 0 0 0
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According to Jean Morin, women's st
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Illustration 3.4 - Portrait of Loui
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Illustration 3.5 - Early eighteenth
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will be going home on horseback".'
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Illustration 3.7 - Wellington Boot
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Dictionnaire of 1859 reported that
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Illustration 3.8 - Eighteenth and e
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Illustration 3.9 — Portrait of La
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silver and gold acquired from buckl
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Illustration 3.10 - Pair of women's
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One of the missing points in the di
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However French fashion became domin
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II S -.--- fli Illustration 3.13 -
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Illustration 3.14 - Lady's silk bro
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Illustration 3.15 - 'Crossing-Sweep
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to be imposed "as being greatly con
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Chapter 4 Retailing Boots and Shoes
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Illustration 4.1 — Measuring inst
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production.'° Symptomatic are the
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Moreover the expanding transoceanic
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Forty years later (circa 1760s and
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Illustration 4.5 - Trade card of C.
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illustration 4.7 - Trade card of Ja
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These new retailing systems were as
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Illustration 4.10— Trade card of
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4.3 The culture of display 4.3.1 Sh
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Sophie Von La Roche describing Lond
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Furze at 65 Fleet Street occupied t
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Illustration 4.14 - Trade card of S
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Table 4.1 - Shoe shops in England i
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Illustration 4.15 - Trade cards of
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Table 4.2 - Specialisation in boot
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unning a small business, he had not
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Illustration 4.17 - Pattison's shoe
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V, - _I;;a Illustration 4.18 - Engl
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Table 4.5 - Prices at Wimpory, boot
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Sir, We have this day received a le
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300 250 200 ISO I00 50 0 Figure 4.3
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A series of letters had to be excha
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Corrections to the Account books as
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Illustration 4.20 - Snip's warehous
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century and follow a well-establish
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evolutionary and pre-mechanised mea
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show how the sector was neither sta
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a business carried out on a large s
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Table 5.2 - Insurance by London sho
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century, cordwainers represented in
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In the course of the century there
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Masters had to control journeymen i
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5.3.1 The financing ofproduction Su
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The most important information prov
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= 14 12 10 ': : 4 2 100 90 80 6O 1:
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Figure 5.8 - Classic space juxtapos
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one shop. For the high-class shop i
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E E 100 98 96 94 92 90 88 Figure 5.
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expanding market. 66 In 1783 an adv
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shoemakers who produced the entire
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Newgate Street in London for the "s
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estricted to only nine London shoem
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homes, to make by hands." 96 Follow
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otherwise declining economy.' 0' As
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improved by the Leicestershire shoe
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important changes in productive pro
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Part III - Towards Industrialisatio
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Chapter 6 Competition, 1815-1850 "L
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Cordonniers du Règne de Louis XVL"
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The increase in shoe importation in
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St. James's in the London West End,
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As from figures 6.3 and 6.4 the Fre
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In such a situation a long series o
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the more traditional productive env
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The strikes of 1825 and 1826 affect
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Page 286 and 287: IL V V — .- E V 0 C 0 0 C .— .-
Page 288 and 289: journeymen shoemakers also had to f
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Page 292 and 293: This analysis shows a new perspecti
Page 294 and 295: Illustration 6.1 - Pair of early ni
Page 296 and 297: Illustration 6.2 - Shoe produced by
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Page 300 and 301: Illustration 6.5 - Straight and lef
Page 302 and 303: These changes rendered more difficu
Page 304 and 305: 6.6.3 The competition in bootmaking
Page 306 and 307: 6.7 Conclusion The focus of my anal
Page 308 and 309: Chapter 7 Divergence: London and Pa
Page 310 and 311: evolution' has presented new questi
Page 312 and 313: The separation of production and re
Page 314 and 315: French shoe trades. At the 1851 Gre
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Page 320 and 321: 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000
Page 322 and 323: 90 per cent of the men employed in
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Page 326 and 327: compared to other European states a
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Page 330 and 331: 1. Methodology Conclusion Stepping
Page 332 and 333: integrating economic rationality, s
Page 336 and 337: Bibliography
Page 338 and 339: . DQ'° 580: dossier 3004. Archive
Page 340 and 341: 1752), vi (1752-1771). • MS 7354:
Page 342 and 343: Surrey. • B 3/3826: 26 November 1
Page 344 and 345: Court of Parliament; shewing (f the
Page 346 and 347: Laws and Statutes • Laws and Stat
Page 348 and 349: micro 52.474. • Command Papers -
Page 350 and 351: cuirs etpeaux, etc. (Paris: 1816).
Page 352 and 353: • Exposition publique des produit
Page 354 and 355: • Nouvelle encyclopédie des arts
Page 356 and 357: cure of corns, bunnions, callositie
Page 358 and 359: Secondary Sources • A. Adburgham,
Page 360 and 361: • M. Berg, 'Protoindustializzazio
Page 362 and 363: politics in England, 1550-1800 (Lon
Page 364 and 365: Deindustrialization and reindustria
Page 366 and 367: Ashgate, 1997). • G. Crossick and
Page 368 and 369: • A. Dyer, 'Midlands', in P. Clar
Page 370 and 371: • D. Garrioch, 'House names, shop
Page 372 and 373: • V.A. Hartley, 'The St. Giles' s
Page 374 and 375: • L. Hunt and G. Sheridan, 'Corpo
Page 376 and 377: • E. Levasseur, Histoire des clas
Page 378 and 379: commercialisation of Eighteenth Cen
Page 380 and 381: • A. Menuge, 'Technology and trad
Page 382 and 383: elations from the beginning of the
Page 384 and 385:
• C.F. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, 'Sto
Page 386 and 387:
pp. 438-42 • P.N. Stems, 'Stages
Page 388 and 389:
(Venezia: Istituto Veneto di Scienz
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• A.H. Cole and G.B. Watts, The h
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The Boot and Shoe Trades in London and Paris in the Long Eighteenth Century

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