The Boot and Shoe Trades in London and Paris in the Long Eighteenth Century

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lane, draps fins, prunelles, coton, piqués ou métiers et des piqués a la main".71 Leather was used only for the shoes of women "destine a la fatigue, chez les femmes de la campagne" or for domestics and cleaners in town. 72 The few high quality leather shoes were normally embroidered. 73 Female footwear had to match with dresses (in particular in France). Table 3.3 - Types of boots and shoes in the Art de la chaussure (1824) Bottes civiles Bottes militaires 1. Bottes de voyages ou bottes molles. 1. Bottes de gardes du corps. 2. Boutes ordinaires ou demi-bottes. 2. Bottes des ecuyers de la maison du Roi. 3. Bottes de fantasie. 4. Bottines. Bottes fortes 1. Bottes fortes de poste. 2. Botte de chasse. Souliers militaires 1. Souliers de ville. 2. Souliers laces. 3. Souliers a double couture. 4. Escapins retournés. 5. Souliers de bal. 6. Souliers carioclaves. 7. Souliers a talon tourant. 8. Pantofles. 3. Bottes des pages. 4. Bottes de Ia gendarmerie. 5. Bottes a I'écuyere. 6. Bottes a l'hussarde. 7. Bottes a Ia prussienne. Chaussure defemme 1. Souliers de fatique. 2. Souliers ordinaires. 3. Souliers de bat. 4. Pantofles. 5. Sabot chinois. 6. Claque. Source: Nouvelle encyclopédie des arts et métiers. Art de Ia chaussure (Paris: 1824), p. 215. In spring 1810 Ackermann advised: with the evening costume, and simple shoe of queen silk, satin, or kid, is at your choice. In the morning habits, the half-boot prevails over every other, and is most fashionable when formed of materials similar to the pelisse or mantle.74 Nouvelle encyclopédie des arts et métiers. Art de la chaussure (Paris, 1824), p. 216. 72 Ibid., p. 218. Most surviving women's shoes are made with fabric uppers. Out of a total of more than a hundred eighteenth-century women's shoes at the Textiles Department of the Royal Ontario Museum only a dozen are made of leather. International Shoe Museum of Romans (Romans, 1996), p. 30. R. Ackermann, The repository of arts, literature, commerce, manufactures, fashions and politics, May 1810, p. 327. 117
What can appear to us particularly surprising is the way in which variety was expressed. We are used to a wide variety of footwear, normally ready-made, that is only distinguished into wide categories. In the eighteenth century shoes were normally classified according to a typology. In many cases such classification referred to the material employed (black satin, calemaco, Spanish leather, calf, etc.). In other cases it could be the use (strong shoes, walking shoes, dress shoes, ball shoes, army boots, shooting shoes, etc.). This functional classification was particularly used in France. Not to mention a gender distinction (ladies', men's and children's) that was also a parameter of differentiation of producers. Sometimes it was also specified if the pail of boots or shoes had particular productive distinctions, such as double soles, side laces or buttons. There was then a distinction of class (ladies' fashionable shoes, gentlemen's dress shoes, gentlemen's neat shoes, etc.). Words such as 'ladies', 'gentlemen', 'superior' and 'best' referred to high quality products. In a world where bespoke dominated and the contact between consumer and products was normally the last part of a long transaction process, the product had to be easily identifiable. Eighteenth-century bills show detailed descriptions of the items for sale. Visual representation did not help very much. Only in rare cases the model was designed. 75 In most cases customers and sellers had to understand each other on the item required through a description. Letters to shoemakers in the first half of the eighteenth century normally provided detailed descriptions of the material, shape, heels and so on. The increasing importance of ready-to-wear seemed to change such practice in the second half of the century. Products were materially present in the act of acquiring them and the distinction between one pair of shoes and another was more clearly associated to price. In this new context the practice of attributing names to shoes became increasingly common and different products were recognised by customers simply by their names. Shoes such as Oxonian or Derby did not refer to any shape, colour or use. This appears even more evident in boots, considered the 'new footwear' of the late eighteenth century. In this case there was not any One of these rare examples comes from the Museo Correr in Venice. The drawing represents the sole, heel and the uppers of a woman's pair of shoes by Panagin and Cochinato dated 10th October 1782. In G. Mariacher, 'L'arte dei calzolai a Venezia dal XIII al XVIII secolo', in D.D. Poli, 1 mestieri della moda a Venezia dal XIII and XVIII secolo (Venezia, 1988). 118
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Giorgio Riello PhD Thesis in Histor
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"A GENTLE craft, I sit so snug, Wit
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This research would have not been c
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Table of Contents Abstract page Ii
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Chapter 5 - Production of Boots and
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List of Tables 1.1 - Number of lice
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List of Figures 1.1 - Hides and ski
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List of Illustrations 3.1 - Trade c
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6.1 - Boot and shoe shops in London
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These are the theoretical reasons t
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concentrate on recent changes in th
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The use of the micro-analytic appro
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production are examined. The eighte
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industrial period. If we consider t
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inventories for the period 1788 to
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In the London Company the dissociat
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typology of products and producers,
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not yet completely mechanised) proc
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Part I of this thesis highlights th
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1.1 Introduction Chapter 1 The Raw
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E 60 50 40 30 20 10 Figure 1.1 - Hi
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a - .- 1-i .- 0 'I 26
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were tanning, currying and oil dres
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important centre for tanning and cu
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1/3 of the total export of French l
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Table 1.6 - Different types of leat
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England. These numbers, however, ha
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1812 (figures 1.1 and 1.3). If we c
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dark colour of the leather produced
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60000.000 50.000.000 40.000.000 30.
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'1 250.000 200,000 150,000 100,000
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National leather market, abolishing
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leather. After the hide had been tr
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the revolutionary government mainta
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trade. 92 The quarrel (discussed in
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gave substantial financial aid to t
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Chapter 2 The Role of Guilds "une c
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through technological and organisat
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saddlemakers and others who were pa
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of shoes adding up to 1/3 of new le
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models are related only to a rural
Page 83 and 84: stratification of the workshop over
Page 85 and 86: 900 800 700 60(1 40(1 300 200 10: F
Page 87 and 88: in all the periods considered. 52 S
Page 89 and 90: same chain of production, such as b
Page 91 and 92: eality life in the master's househo
Page 93 and 94: their respective trades.73 In cordw
Page 95 and 96: membership of the company and the e
Page 97 and 98: very low. In London a particular pr
Page 99 and 100: masters to employ journeymen who ha
Page 101 and 102: trade. It was also the formal recog
Page 103 and 104: inside the family business.' 17 Wom
Page 105 and 106: influence of new forces of change.'
Page 107 and 108: The purpose of part II of my thesis
Page 109 and 110: Chapter 3 Consumption and footwear
Page 111 and 112: theme of standardisation and its re
Page 113 and 114: Table 3.1 - Gregory King's estimate
Page 115 and 116: In the case of boots and shoes the
Page 117 and 118: limited, not in number but in value
Page 119 and 120: places like Petticoat Lane that, as
Page 121 and 122: with a total amount of £9,073 valu
Page 123 and 124: 600,000 500,000 400,000 ' 300,000 2
Page 125 and 126: should not think that ready-made sh
Page 127 and 128: Illustration 3.1 - Trade card of G.
Page 129 and 130: -9. N I 1Ii _ [;:T:TT T-T 1 i 1: Iw
Page 131 and 132: 120 100 80. 60 Figure 3.6 - Prices
Page 133: As we will see in detail in the fol
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Page 139 and 140: According to Jean Morin, women's st
Page 141 and 142: Illustration 3.4 - Portrait of Loui
Page 143 and 144: Illustration 3.5 - Early eighteenth
Page 145 and 146: will be going home on horseback".'
Page 147 and 148: Illustration 3.7 - Wellington Boot
Page 149 and 150: Dictionnaire of 1859 reported that
Page 151 and 152: Illustration 3.8 - Eighteenth and e
Page 153 and 154: Illustration 3.9 — Portrait of La
Page 155 and 156: silver and gold acquired from buckl
Page 157 and 158: Illustration 3.10 - Pair of women's
Page 159 and 160: One of the missing points in the di
Page 161 and 162: However French fashion became domin
Page 163 and 164: II S -.--- fli Illustration 3.13 -
Page 165 and 166: Illustration 3.14 - Lady's silk bro
Page 167 and 168: Illustration 3.15 - 'Crossing-Sweep
Page 169 and 170: to be imposed "as being greatly con
Page 171 and 172: Chapter 4 Retailing Boots and Shoes
Page 173 and 174: Illustration 4.1 — Measuring inst
Page 175 and 176: production.'° Symptomatic are the
Page 177 and 178: Moreover the expanding transoceanic
Page 179 and 180: Forty years later (circa 1760s and
Page 181 and 182: Illustration 4.5 - Trade card of C.
Page 183 and 184: illustration 4.7 - Trade card of Ja
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These new retailing systems were as
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Illustration 4.10— Trade card of
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4.3 The culture of display 4.3.1 Sh
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Sophie Von La Roche describing Lond
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Furze at 65 Fleet Street occupied t
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Illustration 4.14 - Trade card of S
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Table 4.1 - Shoe shops in England i
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Illustration 4.15 - Trade cards of
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Table 4.2 - Specialisation in boot
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unning a small business, he had not
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Illustration 4.17 - Pattison's shoe
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V, - _I;;a Illustration 4.18 - Engl
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Table 4.5 - Prices at Wimpory, boot
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Sir, We have this day received a le
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300 250 200 ISO I00 50 0 Figure 4.3
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A series of letters had to be excha
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Corrections to the Account books as
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Illustration 4.20 - Snip's warehous
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century and follow a well-establish
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evolutionary and pre-mechanised mea
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show how the sector was neither sta
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a business carried out on a large s
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Table 5.2 - Insurance by London sho
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century, cordwainers represented in
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In the course of the century there
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Masters had to control journeymen i
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5.3.1 The financing ofproduction Su
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The most important information prov
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= 14 12 10 ': : 4 2 100 90 80 6O 1:
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Figure 5.8 - Classic space juxtapos
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one shop. For the high-class shop i
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E E 100 98 96 94 92 90 88 Figure 5.
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expanding market. 66 In 1783 an adv
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shoemakers who produced the entire
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Newgate Street in London for the "s
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estricted to only nine London shoem
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homes, to make by hands." 96 Follow
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otherwise declining economy.' 0' As
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improved by the Leicestershire shoe
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important changes in productive pro
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Part III - Towards Industrialisatio
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Chapter 6 Competition, 1815-1850 "L
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Cordonniers du Règne de Louis XVL"
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The increase in shoe importation in
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St. James's in the London West End,
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As from figures 6.3 and 6.4 the Fre
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In such a situation a long series o
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the more traditional productive env
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The strikes of 1825 and 1826 affect
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V nj '.4 rFj nj . nj 0 .- - V — '
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IL V V — .- E V 0 C 0 0 C .— .-
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journeymen shoemakers also had to f
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the manufacture of English sole lea
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This analysis shows a new perspecti
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Illustration 6.1 - Pair of early ni
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Illustration 6.2 - Shoe produced by
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The real or apparent difference bet
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Illustration 6.5 - Straight and lef
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These changes rendered more difficu
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6.6.3 The competition in bootmaking
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6.7 Conclusion The focus of my anal
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Chapter 7 Divergence: London and Pa
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evolution' has presented new questi
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The separation of production and re
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French shoe trades. At the 1851 Gre
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eprésenter plusieurs centaines de
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espoke production was a widespread
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6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 2,000 1,000
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90 per cent of the men employed in
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0 70.000 60.000 50.000 - 40.000 - 3
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compared to other European states a
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underlined: many Parisian manufactu
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1. Methodology Conclusion Stepping
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integrating economic rationality, s
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extensive literature on guilds in F
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Bibliography
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. DQ'° 580: dossier 3004. Archive
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1752), vi (1752-1771). • MS 7354:
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Surrey. • B 3/3826: 26 November 1
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Court of Parliament; shewing (f the
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Laws and Statutes • Laws and Stat
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micro 52.474. • Command Papers -
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cuirs etpeaux, etc. (Paris: 1816).
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• Exposition publique des produit
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• Nouvelle encyclopédie des arts
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cure of corns, bunnions, callositie
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Secondary Sources • A. Adburgham,
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• M. Berg, 'Protoindustializzazio
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politics in England, 1550-1800 (Lon
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Deindustrialization and reindustria
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Ashgate, 1997). • G. Crossick and
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• A. Dyer, 'Midlands', in P. Clar
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• D. Garrioch, 'House names, shop
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• V.A. Hartley, 'The St. Giles' s
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• L. Hunt and G. Sheridan, 'Corpo
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• E. Levasseur, Histoire des clas
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• A. Menuge, 'Technology and trad
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elations from the beginning of the
Page 384 and 385:
• C.F. Sabel and J. Zeitlin, 'Sto
Page 386 and 387:
pp. 438-42 • P.N. Stems, 'Stages
Page 388 and 389:
(Venezia: Istituto Veneto di Scienz
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• A.H. Cole and G.B. Watts, The h
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The Boot and Shoe Trades in London and Paris in the Long Eighteenth Century

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