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A HISTORY OF INNER ASIA

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From Governorates-General to Union Republics 219<br />

tion of Turkestan, social justice, and national liberation were their goals.<br />

The actions of Moscow in 1919 made them believe that they could<br />

reach these goals as national Communists, and this belief was at first<br />

encouraged by Lenin himself.Relations with the Muslims of Russia<br />

seemed to be generally improving.Hostilities between the Bolshevik<br />

government and the Kazakh and Bashkir groups had ceased; the Eighth<br />

Communist Party Congress launched a new drive of attracting Muslims<br />

into the Communist fold; and the government seemed ready to negotiate<br />

with Muslim leaders.The Bashkir Zeki Velidi (Togan) spent prolonged<br />

periods in Moscow, meeting with Lenin, Stalin, and other<br />

Bolsheviks.The question of the future status of Turkestan, Kazakhstan,<br />

Bashqurtistan, Tatarstan and other Muslim regions seemed open, and<br />

to contemporary observers and participants genuine autonomy or even<br />

independence may have seemed possible.<br />

The Russians themselves appear to have been undecided at that time<br />

on one important point: whether Turkestan should become a politicoethnic<br />

unit, or whether it should be divided up into smaller specific units.<br />

In fact, the question even transcended that of Turkestan in the administrative<br />

and political sense: many Muslim leaders viewed all of Central<br />

Asia in the broadest sense as Turkestan, including Kazakhstan,<br />

Bashqurtistan, and Tatarstan.This was implied in the discussions<br />

between Zeki Velidi and Lenin, for the Bashkir leader claimed to speak<br />

for such a comprehensive Turkestan.At the beginning of July 1919,<br />

Lenin asked Zeki Velidi to evaluate a project for the Muslim region that<br />

had been given to him by the Pan-Islamic propagandist Muhammad<br />

Barakatullah; 3 Zeki Velidi submitted instead a project of his own.<br />

According to Zeki Velidi, Lenin liked the proposals and incorporated<br />

most of them – though not all, and this is an important qualification: the<br />

army was one of the exceptions – into the instructions which were<br />

cabled to Tashkent on 12 July 1919.They caused consternation among<br />

the Bolsheviks of Turkestan.Indeed, even with the abovementioned<br />

exception, the new instructions went beyond the policy decided upon by<br />

the Eighth Party Congress and introduced by Kobozev in February of<br />

that year.Nevertheless, Moscow refused to replace the essentially<br />

Russian Red Army with a local one, or to relinquish the key government<br />

posts to Muslims, or to give Muslims a majority on the Turkkomissiya.<br />

Even under these circumstances, Muslim nationalists in their new<br />

3 Muhammad Barakatullah (1859–1927) of Bhopal was one of the most colorful Muslim intellectuals<br />

who left India before the First World War to continue their Pan-Islamic, nationalist, or revolutionary<br />

activities.See J.M.Landau, The Politics of Pan-Islam (Oxford, 1990), pp.195–97.

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