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A HISTORY OF INNER ASIA

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308 A history of Inner Asia<br />

as the leading Islamic cleric, however.The Tajik intelligentsia – like that<br />

of the other Central Asian republics – turned out to be basically secular,<br />

and suspicious of the implications of an organized Islamic intervention<br />

in culture and politics.The international community, from Tashkent to<br />

Moscow to Washington, was no less wary, and has become ever more so<br />

since the victory of the Taliban in Afghanistan.The qozi himself endeavored<br />

to allay any fears, but could not quite escape the contradictions<br />

inherent in his cause.Although he paid homage to all the ideals of a<br />

democratic state, he did not distance himself from the idea of an eventual<br />

“Islamic Republic of Tajikistan.” This placed him at loggerheads<br />

with secular nationalists no less than with nervous officials in the US<br />

State Department, a situation that has been adroitly exploited by the<br />

resilient post-Soviet Communist establishment headed by Imamali<br />

Rakhmanov, now President of the republic.This paradox has been illustrated<br />

by the following poignant incident: when in June 1996 a conference<br />

sponsored by private civil rights groups convened in Washington,<br />

D.C., Turajonzoda was invited as one of the star guests. The Tajik qozi,<br />

however, was refused a visa.He by then resided primarily in Tehran as<br />

a member of the far-flung diaspora of Tajik opposition leaders, some<br />

there, some in Moscow, some in the West.Meanwhile unrest oscillating<br />

between guerrilla ambushes to civil war continued to rage in Tajikistan.<br />

With none of the adversaries able to prevail by force, negotiations<br />

between the government and the opposition whose parties and factions<br />

ultimately organized themselves in a common front called “United Tajik<br />

Opposition” and led by another cleric, Said Abdullo Nuri (seconded by<br />

Turajonzoda as deputy leader), have finally come to a successful conclusion.Brokered<br />

by well-meaning outsiders and held in such capitals as<br />

Tehran, Moscow, or Islamabad, they were crowned with success on 27<br />

June 1997, when in Moscow the Tajik President Imamali Rakhmanov<br />

and the United Tajik Opposition leader Said Abdullo Nuri signed the<br />

so-called Peace and National Reconciliation Accord.<br />

In Uzbekistan, the most pressing problem may be the aformentioned<br />

environmental crisis.If Karimov and his presidential neighbors are right<br />

and their authoritarian rule will provide the necessary framework for the<br />

so desperately needed economic recovery and ecological salvation of<br />

Central Asia, history’s verdict may yet concede them an honorable<br />

place.In order to succeed, however, they will need more than just a<br />

greater dose of personal integrity and law and order in the land.A whole<br />

infrastructure of efficient and reasonably honest officials, managers,<br />

engineeers, bankers, businessmen, entrepreneurs, agriculturalists, and

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