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Financial systems and development

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which reduced their incentive to collect deposits<br />

<strong>and</strong> undercut their independence. Many coopera-<br />

tive members, seeing that this new source of fi-<br />

nance was risky, continued to rely on the informal<br />

arrangements. If the advantages of formality are<br />

visible <strong>and</strong> worthwhile, clients will participate <strong>and</strong><br />

the institution will prosper. If not, they will return<br />

to the informal arrangements.<br />

for example, are forced to operate cl<strong>and</strong>estinely<br />

because legal status costs too much. So regulation<br />

fails even in its narrow objective. Meanwhile, the<br />

economic welfare of suppliers <strong>and</strong> customers is reduced<br />

because businesses would have better access<br />

to formal credit if they were properly registered<br />

<strong>and</strong> licensed.<br />

Links between informal <strong>and</strong> fornal finance<br />

Formal internediation for the noncorporate sector<br />

Improvements in the provision of financial services<br />

might be gained by upgrading informal Governments in many developing countries have<br />

arrangements <strong>and</strong> linking them to formal insti- encouraged formal institutions to serve the nontutions.<br />

This implies building upon, not sup- corporate sector. The means have included lowplanting,<br />

the existing arrangements. The linking of cost rediscount facilities for targeted lending<br />

informal arrangements with cooperatives is be- through commercial banks, m<strong>and</strong>atory lending<br />

coming increasingly common in Africa. In Kinkala, targets, <strong>and</strong> state-supported lending institutions.<br />

a small rural town in the People's Republic of the As Chapter 4 pointed out, these policies have cre-<br />

Congo, a savings <strong>and</strong> credit cooperative, Coopera- ated weak institutions <strong>and</strong> have thereby retarded<br />

tive d'Epargne et de Credit (COOPEC), has 268 the <strong>development</strong> of an efficient financial sector.<br />

members. Informal arrangements operate in the They have been particularly damaging to the farm<br />

local market. Among them is a ROSCA with sector. These failures have come to be widely rectwenty-four<br />

members. Each member contributes ognized, <strong>and</strong> a search for better solutions is under<br />

2,000 CFA francs a month (about $4.50 in 1985) <strong>and</strong> way.<br />

receives the total collection of CFAF48,000 every Government-supported credit programs for the<br />

two years. This scheme has been linked with noncorporate sector can work. This is shown by<br />

COOPEC so that ROSCA members (who are also the Badan Kredit Kecamatan (BKK) program in Inenrolled<br />

in the cooperative) make their monthly donesia (see Box 8.4). The program provides loans<br />

contribution to the COOPEC manager, who de- to rural enterprises <strong>and</strong> other small borrowers. Its<br />

posits the total CFAF48,000 in a savings account. viability has been maintained through interest<br />

ROSCA members are considered a good risk; their rates that reflect lending costs <strong>and</strong> through the use<br />

loan applications are looked upon favorably by the of local sanction to enforce repayment. Shared<br />

COOPEC loan committee. In this way, COOPEC profits encourage careful lending by BKK staff.<br />

has mobilized funds from its members <strong>and</strong> has sat- Funds for the program have come from a governisfied<br />

credit dem<strong>and</strong>. ment-m<strong>and</strong>ated rediscounting facility, but the<br />

An example of an apparently successful conver- scheme was designed to maintain its indepension<br />

of borrowing groups into a cooperative bank dence.<br />

is the Working Women's Forum of Madras. In 1978 Most of the successful formal institutions that<br />

thirty women engaged in petty trade organized as serve the noncorporate sector, however, take dea<br />

group to borrow from a commercial bank. De- posits. Some institutions have greatly improved<br />

spite the success of this <strong>and</strong> other affiliated groups their position by doing so. The Banco Agricola in<br />

of Indian women, dissatisfaction with delays <strong>and</strong> the Dominican Republic began to offer passbook<br />

inflexible disbursement <strong>and</strong> repayment schedules savings services in 1984 because it was in serious<br />

led them to form <strong>and</strong> staff their own bank in 1981. financial difficulty <strong>and</strong> urgently needed funds. By<br />

An example of upgrading that produced mixed 1987 deposits had increased more than twentyfold.<br />

results is the conversion of indigenous savings <strong>and</strong> Although 60 percent of the depositors were precredit<br />

associations (isusu) into cooperatives in east- vious borrowers from the institution, the rest were<br />

ern Nigeria. Cooperatives based on isusu per- a new clientele who dem<strong>and</strong>ed only a safe <strong>and</strong><br />

formed better in most respects than the rest. Mem- convenient store for liquidity.<br />

bers of these cooperatives, however, not only Mobilization of voluntary deposits is desirable<br />

remained members of indigenous savings <strong>and</strong> for several reasons. First, resource allocation can<br />

credit associations but also held most of their sav- be improved if noncorporate agents have good deings<br />

there. This was partly because the govern- posit opportunities with positive real rates of interment<br />

gave the cooperatives easy access to funds, est <strong>and</strong> low transaction costs. Second, the flow of<br />

119

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