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Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

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push work<strong>in</strong>g-class immigrants out of politics. Because <strong>in</strong>unigrants generally livedtogether <strong>in</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ct neighborhoods, they had been well placed to <strong>in</strong>fluence theward-based mach<strong>in</strong>es. So Progressive reforms replaced districted elections withcitywide contests <strong>and</strong> strengthened the mayor's office to the detriment of the wardcounci1ors.n The Progressive reforms thus practically limited popular access to governmenC3Meanwhile, other efforts were underway to restrict suffrage, assimilateimmigrant children, <strong>and</strong> regulate the numbers of new immigrants.74Progressive efforts encouraged legalistic adm<strong>in</strong>istration <strong>and</strong> promoted transparency, but these ga<strong>in</strong>s were only really extended to the White, Protestant, nativeborn, English-speak<strong>in</strong>g middle <strong>and</strong> upper classes. The transition, then, was froma populist gangsterism to an elitist republicanism. The Progressive movementreplaced mach<strong>in</strong>e politics with class rule.Edward C. Banfield <strong>and</strong> James Q. Wilson expla<strong>in</strong> this transformation:The mach<strong>in</strong>e provided the politician with a base of <strong>in</strong>fluence deriv<strong>in</strong>g fromits control of lower-<strong>in</strong>come voters. As this base shr<strong>in</strong>ks, he becomes moredependent on other sources of <strong>in</strong>fluence-especially newspapers, civicassociates, labor unions, bus<strong>in</strong>ess groups, <strong>and</strong> churches. "Nonpolitical"(read nonparty) l<strong>in</strong>es of access to the city adm<strong>in</strong>istration are substitutedfor "political" ones. Campaign funds come not from salary kickbacks <strong>and</strong>the sale of favors, but from rich men <strong>and</strong> from companies do<strong>in</strong>g bus<strong>in</strong>esswith the city. Department heads <strong>and</strong> other adm<strong>in</strong>istrators who are ableto comm<strong>and</strong> the support of professional associations <strong>and</strong> civic groupsbecome <strong>in</strong>dispensable to the mayor <strong>and</strong> are therefore harder for him tocontrol. Whereas the spoils of office formerly went to "the boys" <strong>in</strong> thedelivery [vot<strong>in</strong>g] wards <strong>in</strong> the form of jobs <strong>and</strong> favors, they now go <strong>in</strong> theform of urban renewal projects, street clean<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>and</strong> better police protectionto newspaper [public op<strong>in</strong>ion] wards.7'The poor did not control, or especially benefit from, the political mach<strong>in</strong>es.But the mach<strong>in</strong>es required their participation <strong>and</strong> offered them someth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>return. 'The emerg<strong>in</strong>g bureaucracies of the Progressive Era, <strong>in</strong> contrast, weredesigned to limit their participation. The poor did not control these either, <strong>and</strong>the new system offered them terribly little.Mach<strong>in</strong>e rule was replaced with the more subtle power of the capitalist class.Whereas before local government had been adm<strong>in</strong>istered accord<strong>in</strong>g to strictlymaterial <strong>in</strong>centives, it was now guided by adm<strong>in</strong>istrative norms <strong>and</strong> the formalrules of bureaucracy, backed with the moral st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>and</strong> political ideology ofthe Protestant bourgeoisie.1bis victory was ironic, <strong>in</strong> a sense, because Progressiverhetoric centered on "tak<strong>in</strong>g the police out of politics," <strong>and</strong> conversely, "tak<strong>in</strong>gthe politics out of polic<strong>in</strong>g." Though the reforms did grant police comm<strong>and</strong>ers afresh <strong>in</strong>dependence from the dem<strong>and</strong>s of politicians, the idea of tak<strong>in</strong>g the politicsout of polic<strong>in</strong>g was doomed at the outset-as ridiculous a notion as tak<strong>in</strong>gthe politics out of governmentFar from be<strong>in</strong>g mere adm<strong>in</strong>istrative bodies that enforced the law, kept thepeace, <strong>and</strong> served the public, the police departments were policy-mak<strong>in</strong>gagencies that helped to decide which laws were enforced, whose peacewas kept, <strong>and</strong> which public was served. Much like the courts, schools,<strong>and</strong> other vital <strong>in</strong>stitutions, the police thereby exercised a great deal of<strong>in</strong>fluence over the process of mobility, the distribution of power, <strong>and</strong> the129

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