Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

first moment, the importance of political influence and bribes was made clearto new recruits.8 A patrolman's position typically sold for $300 and required theapproval of the district leader.9 Higher positions cost more. In 1893, TimothyCreeden paid a commissioner $15,000 to be promoted from sergeant to captain.As a captain's salary was only $3,000 each year, it is obvious that he would needto rely on graft even to pay for his job. 1 0Even when civil service tests were instituted in the 1880s, conditions remainedlargely the same. Politicians circumvented civil service requirements by appointingpartisan boards, administering the exams in essay style, or requiring the civil servicecommission to provide three qualified candidates for every open position andallowing police officials to choose among them.! 1 Experiments with state-levelpolice boards proved equally unhelpful. The creation of state boards, a partisanmaneuver by design, only transferred the control of patronage from one group toanother-as indeed it was intended to do. Likewise, bipartisan boards, rather thaneliminating political spoils, merely divided them between the two strongest parties,to mutual advantage.!2Nor did political interference end once an officer was hired. Police with powerfulfriends proved nearly impossible to discipline, no matter how corrupt, brutal, ornegligent they might be. Even such routine matters as going on patrol and wearinguniforms were difficult to enforceYSince each officer's career was politically controlled from beginning to end,the police became ardent supporters of their patrons. Police support was centralto the survival of the machines: for much of the nineteenth century New Yo rk'sBoard of Elections was under the supervision of the police board. The commissionerschose the polling places, drew up the voting districts, had the ballots andvoter registration lists printed, and appointed the polling inspectors and clerks.The police department itself verified the registration lists, guarded the polls, andcounted the votes.11 Mayor William R Grace described this system as "a standingmenace to the safety and purity of the ballot box, and tend ling] to render thepolice of the city its masters rather than its servants."! S Tammany police commissionerJohn Sheehan once bluntly stated that control of the police was moreimportant than how the votes were cast.!6This power tended to magnify the significance of the administrative branch,and bolstered the influence of the mayor especially. 17 The career of Boston'sJosiah Quincy anticipated the trend. Beginning in 1823, Quincy was electedmayor six times. In 1829, he was dubbed 'The Great Mayor," a title which probablyreflected the extent of his power more than the quality of his performance.During his term, Quincy chaired every important committee, allowing him tobuild an efficient administration and, as importantly, consolidate power underhis personal leadership. At the same time, Quincy maintained his influence in thewards with the assistance of the nascent police apparatus. Central to this effortwas the creation of a new office-marshal of the city-which, lacking precedentand statutory limits, could be made to fit whatever demands the mayor placedon it. The marshal served as head constable, commanded the night watch, actedas the city's chief health officer, prosecuted minor cases-and took on additionalresponsibilities after the creation of a day police in 1838.18The power of the marshal reached its peak during the term of Marshal57