Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

Times, June 9, 1985.191 Some researchers have found empirical support fo r this view of policing. For example, basedon a review of eleven cities' police expenditures during the 1960s, David Jacohs concluded:"Metropolitan areas with more blacks had stronger law enforcement agencies in 1970 but thiseffect was not present in the 1960 equations. Thus, economic and racial cleavages were benerpredicrors of police strength after a decade of well publicized wcial upheavals which may havebeen threatening to elites." David Jacobs, "Inequality and Police Strength: Conflict Theory andCoercive Control in Metropolitan Areas," American SOciological Review 44.6 (1979): 923.In a similar study of public spending in the 1970s, Pamela Irving Jackson fo und that "theevidence at hand does suggest greater collective commitment to policing in urban centers mostlikely to be characterized by the struggle for dominance-in regions where the minority groupis, for historical reasons, likely to be viewed as threatening, and in cities in which the group islarge enough to constitute a threat." Pamela Irving Jackson, Minority Group Threat, Crime, andPolicing: Social Context and Social Control (New Yo rk: Praeger, 1989), 52.Chapter 5: The Natural Enemy of the Wo rking Class1 George Orwell, Homage to Catalonia (San Diego: Harcourt, Brace, 1980), 124.2 Pavlito Geshos, "Working Class Hetoes," Clamor, March/April 2002, 50. Greensboro was notthe first time the KKK took an interest in destroying unions. To offer just one example, in theautumn of 1936, the Klan burned a cross near the rubber factory in Akron, hoping to intimidatestriking workers who had occupied the f'lCtory. Jeremy Brecher, Strike' (Boston: South End Press.1972), 185.3 Quoted in Dennis C. Rousey, Policing the Southern City: New Orleans, 1805-1889 (BatonRouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 167. The majority of the strikers were Black, butnot all of them.4 Anatole France, The Red Lily (New Yo rk: The Modern Library, no date) , 75.5 Quoted in Fric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: CamhridgeUniversity Press, 1981), 129.6 See chapter 3 for more on this point.7 Allen Steinberg, The Transformation of Criminal justice: Philadelphia, 1800-1880 (Chapel Hill:University of North Carolina Press, 1 989), 127. This combination of elass bias and Puritanicalmoralism was characteristic of the period, and translated into rigid standards of conduct forwomen especially. Its effect was evident, for example, in New Yo rk's campaign against prostitution."In a city so concerned with defining both women's proper place and the place of the workingclass, the alarm over prostitution stemmed in part from general hostilities to the milieu oflaboring women from which prostitutes came." Christine Stansell, City af Women: Sex and Classin New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), 175.8 Quoted in Steinberg, Ti-ansformation of Ci-iminafjustice, 153.9 Gang suppression is discussed in greater detail in chapter 4. The drug war, quality-of-life policies,and related efforts are addressed in chapter 9.10 Sidney Harring, Policing a Class Society: The Experience of American Cities, 1865-1915 (NewBrunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1983), 20 1.11 Charles J. Ogletree, Jr. et aI., Beyond the Rodney King Story: An Investigation of Police Conduct in!flinority Communities (Boston: Northeastern University Press. 1995), 22-23.12 Ann Mullen, "Harassing the Homeless," Metro Times (Detroit, Michigan), November 24, 1999,http://www.metrotimes.com/mtframes.asp?l.age/20/23/Features/musGimme.html (accessedSeptember '), 2002).13 Harring, Policing a Class Society, 111.14 Frank Donner, Protectors of Privilege: Red Squads and Police Repression in Urban America (Berkeley:University of California Press, 1990). 37.15 Raymond B. Fosdick, American Police Systems (New Yo rk: The Century Company, 1920),322-323. Emphasis in original.16 See, for example: Roger Lane, Policing the City: Boston 1822-1885 (Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 19(7), 206-207.17 A Pinkerton agent, James McParland, joined the Molly Maguires, aided in the commission ofcrimes, and then testified against them to gain a conviction. The Pennsylvania Supreme Courtupheld the practice in its 1877 Campbell 1's. Commonwealth decision. Nineteen Molly Maguireswere executed on the basis of such evidence. Donner, Proctectors of Privilege, 10; and HowardZinn, A People's History of the Un ited States. J492-Present (New Yo rk: Harperl'erennial, 1995), 239.18 Donner, Protectors of Privilege, 24.19 Bruce Smith, The State Police: Organization and Administration (New Yo rk: The MacmillanCompany, 1925), 33.263