Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

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Having accepted the NLRB as a legal body with authority over employers engaged in interstatecommerce, the court then set about restricting workers' rights under the Wagner Act. In 1939,it outlawed the sit-down strike in the Fansteel case, and decided that the Wagner Act could notforce employers to make concessions to workers. In other decisions, the courts reinforced employers'rights and limited workers' rights by holding: (I) that the Act did not interfere with theemployer's right to select employees or discharge them; (2) that, if the employers bargained to'an impasse,' they could unilaterally impose terms, but the workers could not strike while undercontract; (3) that the employees' right to strike did not include the license to 'seize the employers'plants' as in sit-down strikes; (4) that unions were institutions apart from their members andthat union leaders, therefore, had [0 police their unions and ensure 'responsible behavior.' Insum, the courts allowed unions to engage in collective bargaining over a limited range of issues,but prohibited them from using the kind of militant, direct action that had built the CIO."James R. Green, The World of the Worker: Labor in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Hilland Wang, 1980), 165-166. See also: Harring, Policing a Class Society, 257.101 "The institutionalization of the new unions began soon after their explosive creation in the massstrikes of the mid-thirties. The top leaders hastened this process, especially after the employers'vicious counterattack in 1937. Moreover, the whole structure of collective bargaining, asdetermined bv the courts and the NLRB, favored a more routinized. businesslike relationshipbetween top leaders of labor and management, with the government as referee. As a result, manyof the issues, such as speedup. that precipitated the original labor revolts were shunted aside."Green, World of the Wo rker, 172.102 One high-ranking police official attributed the General Strike to just this change of leadership:"the rank-and-file workers became convinced that their leaders were too much hand-in-glovewith the industrial interests of the city." Quoted in Brecher, Strike! 252.Chapter 6: Police Autonomy and Blue Power"If there is any group for whom unions and job actions seemed unlikely, it was the police personnel.Their job is to preserve Jaw and order; they have traditionally been the strike breakers; andthey have been subject to the harshest restrictions against their unionization." Margaret Levi,Bureaucratic lnsurgency: The Case of Police Unions (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1977), 2.2 Robert M. Fogelson, Big- City Police (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977), 196. FOPswere also organized geographically, rather than by department. And they sometimes formed auxiliariesincluding people from outside of law enforcement. William J. Bopp, "The Police Rebellinn," inThe Po lice Rebellion, ed. William J. Bopp (Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas, Publisher, 1971), 13.3 Fogelson, Big- City Police, 196-1974 Fogelson, Big- City Police, 81; and Richard L. Lyons, "The Boston Police Strike of 1919," TheNew Hngland Quarterly (June 1947): 164. In June 1919, the AFL announced that it would beginchartering police unions. By the end of August, thirty-eight such charters had been issued. Lyons,"Boston Police Strike," 151; and Francis Russell, A City in Terror-1919- The Boston PoliceStrike (New Yo rk: Viking Press, 1975), 25.'i Russell, City in Terror, 50-5 1 and 73; and Lyons, "Boston Police Strike," 148-149. Of the 1,544patrolmen, 940 voted for tbe union; no one voted against it. Lyons, "Boston Police Strike," 155.6 Russell, City in Terror, 78.7 Lyons, "Boston Police Strike," 148. Boston was not actually the country's first police strike. Thathonor goes to a successful walkout among the Ithaca police in 1889. The city council voted tolower police pay, the police struck, and the council immediately rescinded their decision. Russell,City in Terror, 233.8 Of 1,544 officers, 1,117 went on strike, leaving the force at about one-quarter strength. Lyons,"Boston Police Strike," 160.9 Russell, City in Terror, 131, 133, and 137-138.10 Russell, City in Terror, 122-12 5.11 Russell, City in Terror, 151-152. Additionally, 100 of the 183 state-controlled MetropolitanPark Police were put at Curtis's disposal. (But fifty-eight of these refused tbe duty and weresuspended.) Private companies armed their employees or hired guards, Harvard was patrolled bythe university police and ROTC, and federal property was protected by the army. Russell, Cityin Terror, 119, 127, 150, and 166.12 Russell, City in Terror, 149 and 159.13 Russell, City in TerrO/; 162-163 and 167- 170.14 Russell, City in Terror, 181-182 and 217; and Lyons, "Boston Police Strike," 165. Meanwhile,Governor Calvin Coolidge, who had initially refused Mayor Andrew Peters' request for NationalGuard deployment, positioned himself to take credit for breaking the strike, issuing an executiveorder placing himself in control of the Boston Police Department. He eventually used the267
lr)N...INN...VJC)g;0VJE-03132333435.>637383940414243strike to leverage himself into the presidency. Russell. City in Terror, 173-174 and 196-198; andLyons, "Boston Police Strike," 159 .Lyons, "Boston Police Strike," 166. After the strike, it rook the police department a while to reform itself. For one thing, it had lost most of its officers and, with the stigma of strikebreakingso fresh, Clced considerahle difficulty finding recruits. 'j() make matters worse, tailors rdllsed tomake new unif')rms. Lyons, "Boston Police Strike," 165.Russell, City in Terror, 234 and 2.19; and Fogelson, Big- City Police. 195.Russell, City in lerror, 48-49 and 183.Fogelson, Big- City Police, 81-82.Levi, BumlUcratic Insurgeruy, 13 and 28-29. Carl Parsell referred to this mode of operation as"collective begging." Quoted in Fogelson, Big- City Police, 200.Additionally, the FOP had 169 local chapters. Levi, Bureaucratic Insurgency, 7.The mayor of Jackson, Mississif'pi, fo r example, fired thirry-six officers fo r organizing with anAFL affiliate. Levi, Bureaucratic inJllrgeruy, 132.Levi, Bureaucratic Insurgency, 30-3 1.Quoted in Levi, Bureaucmtic Imurge",y, 31.Levi, Bureaucrdtic IllJ urgency, 91-92.Quoted in Levi, Bureaucrdtic insurge",y, 9.1.Quoted in Levi, Bureducrrllic Insurge",y, ,) 1.Levi, Bureaucratic Insurgency, 4.1. This dynamic was in effect in cities throughout the country.See: Fogelson, Big-City Po lice, 204.Quoted in Levi, Bureducratic Insurgency, 4,'\.Levi, Bureatlcratic Insurgency, 49-5 1.Levi, Bureaucratic Insurgency, 54-55 .fogelson, Big- City Po lice, 210.Rodney Stark, Police Riots: Collective Violence and Lall! Enforcement (Belmont, CA: focus Books,1972), 202.Levi, Bureaucratic Imurgency, 135.I.evi. Bureaucratic Imurgency, 140.These strikes occurred in 1974, 1977, 1978, and 1979. respectively. Richard J. Lundman, Policeand Policing: An introduction (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1980), 41."The authorities sharply denounced these job actions; but they were so anxious to get the officersback on the street and so reluctant to tangle with the union that. instead of invoking the legalsanctions, they usually gave in to the demands and granted amnesty to the strikers." Fogelson,Big- City Po lice, 213.William J. Bopp, "The Detroit Police Revolt," in The Police Rebellion, ed. William J. Bopp(Springfield. Tl : r.h::lri("1.: r Thnm
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WITH A NEW INTRODUCTION BY•J O YJ
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(e) 2007 by Kristian WilliamsIntrod
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acknowledgmentsBOOKS DO Nar WRITE T
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ZSugE-
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forewordPOLICE AND POWER IN AMERICA
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1POLICE BRUTALITY IN THEORY AND PRA
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copter. Of these, ten Los Angeles P
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way of understanding the lives led
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vidual officer, perhaps it leads us
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given incident, while excessive use
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The difficulties in measuring exces
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up, a very large number of citizens
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(5) Unintentionality."[0 lffi cers
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Between 1995 and 2000, 360 cops wer
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emember that the available statisti
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even be supported by the lieutenant
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standing of those with power-those
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specialized function, and professio
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TIlere is a further advantage to th
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and frequently drunk.In 1727,Joseph
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the town, preparing elections, impr
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In fact, the first major reform of
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of personal honor. No White man sho
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stopping slaves whenever they were
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Charleston formed a City Guard in 1
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civil rather than military activity
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and Watch. This body was responsibl
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t::Uviolence, the committee argued,
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ity by policemen, dismissing thirte
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Political corruption was not new to
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3THE GENESIS OF A POLICED SOCIETYIN
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first moment, the importance of pol
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deals could be quite profitable for
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suppressing such riots. Not that th
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influence in wards where popular su
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delphia, investigated vegetable mar
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quo (that is, to protect the intere
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To the degree that industrializatio
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This analysis does not solve the pr
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well. 1I3 A more telling difference
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down. TIlls breakdown was in each c
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4COPS AND KLAN, HAND IN HANDAND THE
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tom .... A door opens outward on th
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very much like their previous statu
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tious driving, the model of the car
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statistics tell us that police arre
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fits the unit's established modus o
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Police investigators later document
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And let's not forget the enormous r
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area: they would pull up in a squad
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The Klan would meet the bus at the
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___ stoppedin terms of what the Fre
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SELMA, ALABAMA: BLOODY SUNDAYViolen
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point. The Panthers personified eve
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were killed, and ten other people w
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5THE NATURAL ENEMY OF THE WO RKING
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The practices surrounding the enfor
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lar officer's ties to the local com
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monopoly on it. Despite the continu
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troops, fifty cops from the Metropo
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and filled it with tear gas. As the
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Nine workers were arrested, charged
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the courts, and the police could be
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all health and well-being. The main
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ment retaliation, and a formal grie
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In 1912, Herman Rosenthal, a profes
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leadership. Increasingly, the polic
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struggle for status in urban Americ
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than before. But the main effect of
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The police also returned to open el
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policy. Henry Wise, the lawyer for
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the power and rewards of the upper
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found the FOP was sympathetic enoug
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whereas even the rookie patrolman s
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This process then results in a tran
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class. The police rebellion came wh
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is an obvious threat to democracy.T
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speeches, but as the evening wore o
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The Haymarket tragedy ... marked th
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154The role of the red squads furth
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Democratic Convention, and later go
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tion. Bail would be set at astronom
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tapped, then admitted that it was b
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Department's Inspectional Service D
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dissenting group, representing rela
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instructions on infiltrating and di
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convention," was scheduled to coinc
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170supposed to do that."1Z7 Another
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terrorism that covers virtually all
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In a typical case, Hady Hassan Omar
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a threat had already developed. The
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For most of that day, the police we
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the McCartby reportas a "crude and
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practical consequence of the Show o
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Such force took different forms. So
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at Rockefeller Center. Jeff Jones,
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On the tactical level, Stark notes:
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sion and brutal tactics is dangerou
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PLAYING BY THE RULESThe Negotiated
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f-;Cl.But the city council's perspe
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formalizes the strategy of violence
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Militarization ... can be defined i
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The nationwide craze for SWAT teams
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a--institution into believing that
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tiUCommon features seemed to connec
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are not difficult to discern. Mispl
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Community policing does not imply t
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.. Narcotics En forcement Area" sig
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one to the other) . lther than inve
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tubetter terms with the community o
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Page 235 and 236: urglaries"; "Biber, tell me about t
Page 237 and 238: Of course, many community policing
Page 239 and 240: in a long series of institutional s
Page 241 and 242: Rodney Stark writes, "It is vulgar
Page 243 and 244: the name of "gang suppression."I.1
Page 245 and 246: 228ed civil rights workers through
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Page 249 and 250: these clumsy efforts. All this occu
Page 251 and 252: It is tempting to try to distinguis
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Page 259 and 260: 98 This grotesque overstatement ori
Page 261 and 262: 140 \X'illiam Chambliss explains th
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Page 267 and 268: lI'1I0'"1'rJJCjg;(;:G0r...rJJb0Z18'
Page 269 and 270: 252Chicago offering one of the few
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Page 273 and 274: ..,..00I000
Page 275 and 276: o'"I0000rJlWc..?c.::o'""'rJlWf-;ozG
Page 277 and 278: -.cC1'IO'lC1'rJJ'-'0::0f,.1.,rJJf-
Page 279 and 280: M0,...I00,...rJJC)0rJJ1-
Page 281 and 282: 2D Quoted in DonnC1", I'rotectors o
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Page 287 and 288: 00N'I
Page 289 and 290: U')
Page 291 and 292: 274145 Braverman offers a clear des
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Page 295 and 296: 46 Ford Fessenden and Michael Moss,
Page 297 and 298: ...t--...I00...c...CFJ00::0]:.l;.CF
Page 299 and 300: U"\..I
Page 301 and 302: 1 Eugene L Leach, "The Litcratllre
Page 303 and 304: M'"""I0000,...(fJ00::0'""(fJ1-
Page 305 and 306: 00N100a--,...(J)C)0>0-(J)E-
Page 307 and 308: (:ommunity Policing," in Victor E.
Page 309 and 310: the United Statf>" (Pittsburgh: Uni
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Page 313 and 314: 1'5olire (Berkeley, CA: Center for
Page 315 and 316: and oppressed people suffer. The Pa
Page 317 and 318: 70 J\kl:voy and Mik,l, "Republican
Page 320 and 321: selected bibliographyI HAVE TRIED T
Page 322 and 323: This is the most readable of the hi
Page 324 and 325: INSTITUTIONALIZED BRUTALITY AND POL
Page 326 and 327: Six Sociological Essays, edited by
Page 328 and 329: Smith, Bruce. Police Systems in the
Page 330 and 331: CHAPTER 7: SECRET POLICE, RED SQUAD
Page 332 and 333: This collection features studies of
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Policing Consortium. NCJ 148457. Au
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Mika, Harry and Kieran McEvoy. "Res
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Andrews, Avery D., 288n.4Anthracite
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...>< California Supreme Court, 291
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Constables of the Commonwealth(Mass
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Ettor, Joseph, 112-113Everett cotto
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homelessness and vagrancy (cont.)Se
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...X "Letter from Harlem." See "Fif
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National Commission on the Causesan
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:>< Pennsylvania State Federation o
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prostitution (ca nt.)See also broke
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X Scranton Commission (President's
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:>< Ta mmany Hall, 51, 52, 55, 250n
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Weisburd, David, 243n.137Weiss, The
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Even critics have a difficult time
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Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

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