Kristian Williams - Our Enemies in Blue - Police and Power in America

t::Uviolence, the committee argued, that caused the forceful resistance of bothprisoners and passers-by acting from "just indignation."17oIn 1830, the death of the:first person killed by a New Orleans cop promptedmuch of the criticism,171 but an underlying xenophobia was also at work, andthe native-born population openly expressed distaste for the immigrant-dominatedGuard. Another important demographic shift may also help explain thisbacklash against the Guard: during the 1830s and 1840s the White populationincreased by 180 percent, while the Black population increased at a muchslower rate (41 percent).172 Hence, with White people in the overwhelmingmajority, fears of a slave revolt were less present, while ethnic tensions amongWhite groups were increasingly pronounced. "A military-style police to protectagainst the danger of slave rebellion no longer compensated for the day-to-dayirritation of respectable citizens who found their increasingly alien policementoo menacing and too lacking in deference."171 In short, both the initial militarization,and eventual de-militarization of New Orleans' police were the productof the ethnic fears of the city's ruling class.In 1836, the city council did away with the military model of policing.In its place they put a system of twenty-four-hour patrolling along distinctbeats. The blue uniforms were replaced with numbered leather caps likethose worn by watchmen in other cities. A Committee of Vigilance waselected to supervise them. This revision brought New Orleans into linewith the watch system as it existed in Northern cities, and represented asubstantial break from the Charleston model.174 Still, the new organizationretained the most modern features of the City Guard, and added to them 24-hour service. Hence, in 1836, the New Orleans city government approvedthe adoption of a public body, accountable to a central authority, authorizedto use force, and assigned general law enforcement duties. This bodywould be the main agency of law enforcement, with citywide jurisdiction,organizational continuity, a specialized policing function, and twenty-fourhouroperations. And, as its inheritance from the slave patrol, it would beoriented toward the prevention of various disorders. In short, it would haveaU the major features of a modern police department. 175 As luck would haveit, however, this organization never materialized.As the city government was busy redesigning the police services, thestate government was redesigning the entire municipal administration. InMarch 1836, the Louisiana state legislature divided New Orleans along theborders of its ethnic neighborhoods, creating three distinct municipalities,and preventing the just-settled police reforms from taking effect. Motivatedby ethnic and economic rivalries, the plan maintained a common mayor andGrand Council, but divided the administration of services-including thepolice-into three districts. The city stayed so divided until 1852.176Each department adopted a new, non-military approach, and retained somefeatures of the old City Guard-namely, its public character, its authority to useforce, its generallaw-enforcement duties, twenty-four-hour patrols, the goal oforganizational continuity, its specialized police function, and its preventive orientation.However, none of the three could be counted as the chief law enforcementagency in the city because none had citywide jurisdiction. Furthermore,4R