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Review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>literature</strong> on basic education in Nigeriasection <strong>of</strong> society in bondage. . . . They have to understand that <strong>the</strong>ir superiority and advantages are,ultimately, illusory. . .’ (Girard 2003: 5)The programme is aimed at young males aged between 14 and 20 who are in school and socialleaders. It now lasts three years. Level I still comprises weekly discussions; Level II, for <strong>the</strong> morecommitted who want to continue, involves monthly day-long ga<strong>the</strong>rings, working on ways tointervene in communities and fur<strong>the</strong>r developing more abstract thinking and communication skills; amore recent smaller core <strong>of</strong> Level III boys are trained to involve <strong>the</strong>mselves more in communitygender activism.Discussion topics range from issues such as sexual health, intimate and family relationships to humanrights and democracy, using a Freirian-inspired pedagogical approach and with a constantly evolvingcurriculum. Observations <strong>of</strong> sessions showed a high level <strong>of</strong> frank and thoughtful discussion, although<strong>the</strong>re were varying degrees <strong>of</strong> understanding <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> issues among participants.Initially, interested secondary teachers were recruited and trained in a less didactic and more dialogicfacilitative methodology; more recently, graduates <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two-year programme have becomeinvolved. The ‘field <strong>of</strong>ficers’ continue to receive training, sometimes from GPI staff, and thoseinterviewed felt that <strong>the</strong>y too were learning.Challenges <strong>the</strong> programme has faced include:Boys struggle with conflicting ideas relating to religion (predominantly Christianity);Some boys do not really understand gender equality and most struggle to reflect on <strong>the</strong> concept<strong>of</strong> masculinity;Even at graduation some boys have persisted with some sexist beliefs;Absenteeism and dropout is an issue, sometimes because boys find it difficult to cope with <strong>the</strong>content, sometimes for financial reasons;Some parents are suspicious about <strong>the</strong> project;Boys, when <strong>the</strong>y have spoken out about issues in <strong>the</strong> community, can face difficult socialsituations – although CMA has established a counselling service to try and address such issues;Some field <strong>of</strong>ficers who are teachers find it difficult to abandon ingrained didactic methods;CMA graduates who contribute to <strong>the</strong> programme are under pressure to contribute more tohousehold incomes; andThere are money issues and tensions between staff who are committed to <strong>the</strong> cause and o<strong>the</strong>rswho are more interested in <strong>the</strong> pay.Although no formal external evaluations had been carried out on <strong>the</strong> project, <strong>the</strong> questionnairecomparisons <strong>of</strong> baseline and mid-term assessments showed many boys were improving <strong>the</strong>irknowledge but <strong>the</strong>re was recognition <strong>of</strong> a need to develop ways <strong>of</strong> determining to what extent thiswas leading to behaviour change. In <strong>the</strong> 10 in-depth interviews <strong>the</strong> writer held with a range <strong>of</strong> Level I,II and III boys, all said <strong>the</strong>y had changed as people on account <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> programme.Source: Girard (2003)Ano<strong>the</strong>r important point, which <strong>the</strong> UNICEF GEP II evaluation does not highlight, is <strong>the</strong> fact that girls andwomen can also contribute to sustaining gender inequality, for example by sustaining similar genderstereotypes. This is amply illustrated in Bakari’s (2013) case-study research on gender in five secondaryschools in Kogi State. The study found that even when schools required that both boys and girls fetchwater, (some) girls as well as boys wanted boys to be excused because fetching water is considered tobe a female task. Similarly, female students in <strong>the</strong> all-girls school complained that (some) femaleEDOREN – Education Data, Research and Evaluation in Nigeria 97
Review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>literature</strong> on basic education in Nigeriateachers verbally and physically harassed <strong>the</strong>m, accusing <strong>the</strong>m <strong>of</strong> seducing male teachers, whereas <strong>the</strong>girls <strong>the</strong>mselves complained that male teachers were sexually harassing <strong>the</strong>m but <strong>the</strong>y were too afraidto complain (ibid.).Bakari’s study was part <strong>of</strong> a wider Commonwealth study (Page and Jha 2009) and so far is <strong>the</strong> onlyavailable study in Nigeria to focus wholly on gender and school processes, although Dunne et al.’s (2013)Adamawa-based study has also paid some attention to <strong>the</strong>se issues. It is beyond <strong>the</strong> scope <strong>of</strong> this <strong>review</strong>to go into <strong>the</strong> many interesting findings <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kogi study, but in summary it revealed highly genderedprocesses both inside and outside <strong>the</strong> classroom, and <strong>the</strong> persistence <strong>of</strong> gender stereotypes by teachersand students in every aspect <strong>of</strong> schooling, notably in school regulations, appointments, social relationsbetween and among staff and students, teacher expectations, textbooks, learning activities, languageand behaviours. Bakari (2013) concluded that <strong>the</strong> schools exhibited ‘strong male bias’ and polarisation<strong>of</strong> male and female based on male superiority and female inferiority, as well as being masculinistinstitutions valuing individualism, aggression and competitiveness, which affected <strong>the</strong> access, retention,participation and performance <strong>of</strong> boys and girls. Thus, Bakari called for gender-sensitive ra<strong>the</strong>r thangender-neutral 23 policies to address gender-discriminatory practices. Bakari (2004) carried out a similargender analysis <strong>of</strong> a college <strong>of</strong> education in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Nigeria and found similarly gendered processesand inequalities and a high level <strong>of</strong> sexual violence.The primary school study in Adamawa (Dunne et al. 2013) also noted a ‘gender dynamic’ in teacherappointments, promotion and deployment, which needs fur<strong>the</strong>r exploration, as well as a degree <strong>of</strong>gender stereotyping among teachers and pupils and gender inequalities in school duties, <strong>the</strong>prefect/monitor system and corporal punishment.Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore, Para-Mallam (2010), in her qualitative study <strong>of</strong> educated Nigerian women, religiousleaders and women’s rights activists, highlights <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> considering gender within <strong>the</strong> context<strong>of</strong> religion and culture.8.8 Gender and education – a summaryMost <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> studies on gender in Nigeria (as elsewhere in <strong>the</strong> world) have focused on girls, particularlyas regards access to school, within a gender parity framework. Numerous barriers to participation havebeen identified both inside and out <strong>of</strong> school, although with a particular focus on issues outside school,related to culture and religion (predominantly Islam since most studies have taken place in nor<strong>the</strong>rnNigeria). In response, according to various reports, initiatives by government in conjunction with IDPsand CBOs, or by communities via SBMCs, have claimed some success in increasing girls’ enrolments (andretention, to a lesser extent), although reliable statistical data are <strong>of</strong>ten unavailable to support <strong>the</strong>accounts. These initiatives have <strong>of</strong>ten focused on ‘inputs’, such as scholarships and free uniforms, some<strong>of</strong> which (e.g. renovated classrooms and provision <strong>of</strong> textbooks) have increased <strong>the</strong> enrolment <strong>of</strong> boystoo, but in so doing have ignored <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> schooling. A few commentators have highlighted <strong>the</strong>need to include boys (and men), both because <strong>the</strong>y too face different disadvantages both inside andoutside <strong>of</strong> school and should not feel rejected or excluded (which in turn could be detrimental topositive gender relations) but also so that <strong>the</strong>y are encouraged to confront <strong>the</strong> gender norms thatperpetuate gender inequalities. The issue <strong>of</strong> almajirai in nor<strong>the</strong>rn Nigeria is <strong>the</strong> main research topicfocused on boys that has attracted some interest in <strong>the</strong> <strong>literature</strong>.23‘Gender-neutral’ policies include equal opportunities policies that argue that <strong>the</strong> same rules should apply for girls and womenas for boys and men without giving due recognition to existing social barriers that affect particular groups <strong>of</strong> females and malesin different ways. In contrast, ‘gender-sensitive’ policies recognise that <strong>the</strong>re may be a need for gender-specific interventionsthat treat or target particular groups <strong>of</strong> females and males differently in order to achieve gender equality.EDOREN – Education Data, Research and Evaluation in Nigeria 98
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