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Review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>literature</strong> on basic education in Nigeria9.7.1 Nomadic lifestylesThe pastoralist Hausa-Fulani are increasingly being forced to adapt ei<strong>the</strong>r to semi-nomadic or fullysedentary lifestyles; only an estimated 8.5% now live a purely nomadic lifestyle (Iro 2001). Despite <strong>the</strong>irmajor contribution to <strong>the</strong> Nigerian economy through cattle, <strong>the</strong> Fulani nomadic pastoralists are some <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> most socially disadvantaged groups in <strong>the</strong> country, with especially poor access to medical services(Iro 2001). Malnutrition in Fulani children has also been highlighted, attributable in part to <strong>the</strong> move tosedentarism, which has led to a change in diet, <strong>the</strong> need to sell more <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir dairy produce for cash, andcompetition for resources with o<strong>the</strong>r communities (Expo et al. 2008). On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, 71% <strong>of</strong> thoseFulani interviewed in Iro’s (2001) research said that constantly shifting settlements was <strong>the</strong> main reasonthat prevented <strong>the</strong>ir children’s literacy from improving.9.7.2 Gender in Fulani communitiesIn Fulani communities, men look after <strong>the</strong> cattle and women sell <strong>the</strong> milk and dairy products and lookafter <strong>the</strong> domestic sphere (Iro 2001; McCaffery et al. 2006; Usman 2006), although some girls have beenfound to help with <strong>the</strong> herding in families that have few boys (Usman 2010). The male head <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>household decides whe<strong>the</strong>r boys are to go to school (Usman 2006). In semi-nomadic communities <strong>the</strong>boys travel with <strong>the</strong> men and cattle while <strong>the</strong> girls and women stay with <strong>the</strong> elderly in <strong>the</strong> camp(McCaffery et al. 2006). Girls/women generally marry in <strong>the</strong>ir mid or late teens, whereas men tend tomarry in <strong>the</strong>ir 20s (Iro, 2001).However, one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> aims <strong>of</strong> a DFID-funded pilot project from 1997 to 2001 in Adamawa and Taraba(McCaffery et al. 2006) was to train teachers from nomadic Fulani communities. In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> femaleteachers, <strong>the</strong>re was said to be some progress in changing <strong>the</strong> attitudes <strong>of</strong> some Fulani elders who werewilling to let girls delay marriage in order to take <strong>the</strong> teacher education course and <strong>the</strong>n work asteachers within <strong>the</strong> communities once married. However, <strong>the</strong> authors noted that <strong>the</strong> rate <strong>of</strong> femaleparticipation in formal schooling remained low despite changes in attitudes and practices, althoughagain statistics on this were lacking.9.7.3 Parental attitudes to formal schoolingAs a result <strong>of</strong> low participation rates, nomadic pastoralists are <strong>of</strong>ten mistakenly accused <strong>of</strong> being againstformal education. However, Iro’s (2001) survey <strong>of</strong> around 2,000 pastoralists found an 85% approvalrating for formal education as many are keen to learn so as to be able to have a greater say ingovernance by having Fulani in decision-making positions. There is also a desire to learn how better toengage with markets in selling <strong>the</strong>ir products, to deal with government bureaucracy, and to learnmodern veterinary methods to enable <strong>the</strong>m to look after <strong>the</strong>ir cattle better (McCaffery et al. 2006).Usman’s (2006) study <strong>of</strong> Fulani boys also reported that <strong>the</strong> boys viewed school as a welcome break fromherding.Even so, <strong>the</strong> Fulani have concerns about ‘westernised’ formal education, which threatens <strong>the</strong>irtraditional nomadic lifestyle and Fulani identity (Usman 2006). As one Fulani leader memorably put it:‘We are not opposed to getting our children into schools but we fear that at <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> it <strong>the</strong>y will onlybe good for eating cattle instead <strong>of</strong> tending and caring for <strong>the</strong>m’ (Nkinyangi 1980, cited in Usman 2006).In addition, <strong>the</strong> small numbers <strong>of</strong> Fulani that have graduated from university have not returned to <strong>the</strong>Fulani way <strong>of</strong> life (Iro 2001). There is also fear among some Fulani about schools attempting to convert<strong>the</strong>m to Christianity, borne out <strong>of</strong> historical experience with missionaries and <strong>the</strong> fact that someteachers in nomadic schools have been accused <strong>of</strong> preaching (ibid.).An evaluation <strong>of</strong> a small nomadic literacy programme for both adults and children in Osun State (Olateju2010) found that <strong>the</strong>re was a strong demand for literacy training, that <strong>the</strong> training was effective, andEDOREN – Education Data, Research and Evaluation in Nigeria 109
Review <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>literature</strong> on basic education in Nigeriathat training for adults made <strong>the</strong>m more likely to send <strong>the</strong>ir children to school. However, <strong>the</strong> need forchildren’s help with cleaning and looking after cattle was an obstacle to full-time regular attendance formany young people (ibid.).9.7.4 Conflicting views on <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> nomadic schoolingAtinnmo et al. (2011) conducted an evaluation survey among stakeholders involved in nomadiceducation across six states – one in each geo-political zone. These included federal and localgovernment <strong>of</strong>ficials involved in nomadic education, nomadic community leaders, head teachers andteachers. Over three-quarters were positive about <strong>the</strong> success <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> programme in terms <strong>of</strong> providing arelevant functional basic education programme to nomads, improving literacy, numeracy, relations withfarmers and local government <strong>of</strong>ficials and having a positive impact on <strong>the</strong> nomadic community as awhole. Yet this perceived success was at odds with <strong>the</strong> results <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> questionnaire on <strong>the</strong> constraints <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> programme, in which over 80% <strong>of</strong> respondents claimed <strong>the</strong>re were problems with teacher truancyand supervision, difficulty in enforcing attendance, and a lack <strong>of</strong> cooperation between <strong>the</strong> nomads and<strong>the</strong>ir host community. Over half also said <strong>the</strong> curriculum was irrelevant. Crucially, no pupils’ views weresurveyed and nor was <strong>the</strong>re much statistical evidence against which to evaluate <strong>the</strong> findings.Box 9.4Reasons for school absenteeism and dropout among nomadic populationsThe reasons for <strong>the</strong> high levels <strong>of</strong> absenteeism and dropout rates among nomads are various, relatedto <strong>the</strong> disjunction between nomadic lifestyles and <strong>the</strong> constraints <strong>of</strong> formal education, exacerbatedby discriminatory practices in school. They include:Lack <strong>of</strong> involvement <strong>of</strong> nomads in planning (Aderinoye et al. 2007), although this is said to haveimproved more recently (Usman 2006);Poor coordination and/or lack <strong>of</strong> support for nomadic activities at state and LGEA levels(Aderinoye et al. 2007);After <strong>the</strong> initial injection <strong>of</strong> funds, many nomadic schools are now underfunded, in disrepair andlack materials (Iro 2001; Usman 2006; Aderinoye et al. 2007); Teacher truancy and lack <strong>of</strong> teacher supervision (Atinnmo et al. 2011);Inability to pay school levies, so boys reportedly missed school for a couple <strong>of</strong> weeks to earn <strong>the</strong>money herding to be able to make <strong>the</strong> payments, <strong>the</strong>reby falling behind with <strong>the</strong>ir work (Usman2006);Lack <strong>of</strong> fit between school timetabling and nomadic pastoralists’ traditional lifestyles. Althoughpolicy demands that appropriate evening shifts are scheduled in nomadic schools toaccommodate boys’ and girls’ herding and milk-selling duties, respectively, in practice someschools have not been operating evening shifts because teachers had to go out to find o<strong>the</strong>r work<strong>the</strong>n because <strong>of</strong> delays to <strong>the</strong>ir salaries (Usman 2006). In one survey (Ezeomah 2002, cited inUsman 2006), 60% <strong>of</strong> teachers confirmed that Fulani boys’ morning labour affected <strong>the</strong>irattendance and ultimately <strong>the</strong>ir completion <strong>of</strong> school; Irrelevant curriculum in government schools (Atinnmo et al. 2011);Inappropriate didactic teaching methods, which are at odds with <strong>the</strong> more holistic apprenticestylelearning that occurs in Fulani societies (Iro 2001; Usman 2006);Use <strong>of</strong> corporal punishment, which is meted out for latecoming or non-possession <strong>of</strong> learningmaterials but is generally deemed unacceptable to nomadic parents (Usman 2006); and Use <strong>of</strong> English as <strong>the</strong> MOI in some schools (Iro 2001).EDOREN – Education Data, Research and Evaluation in Nigeria 110
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