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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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—,<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

A few Chinese came from the other Caribbean isl<strong>and</strong>s <strong>and</strong><br />

established a reputation for diligence <strong>and</strong> industriousness.<br />

More followed with the United States occupation of the isl<strong>and</strong><br />

(1916-24). They began as cooks <strong>and</strong> domestic servants; a number<br />

of their descendants are restaurateurs <strong>and</strong> hotel owners.<br />

The most recent trickle of immigrants entered the country<br />

from the 1930s onward. Many founded agricultural colonies<br />

that suffered a high rate of attrition. Trujillo, who favored<br />

European "whites," admitted German Jews <strong>and</strong> Spanish civil<br />

war refugees (both in the 1930s) ,<br />

Japanese (post World War II)<br />

<strong>and</strong> Hungarians <strong>and</strong> Spaniards (both in the 1950s). More Chinese<br />

came from Taiwan <strong>and</strong> Hong Kong in the 1970s; by the<br />

1980s, they were the second fastest growing immigrant group<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>ans being the first. Many had sufficient capital to set up<br />

manufacturing firms in the country's industrial free zones. In<br />

the 1990s, Chinese from Taiwan <strong>and</strong> Hong Kong continued to<br />

come to <strong>Haiti</strong>, along with some Japanese, Spaniards, <strong>and</strong> Venezuelans.<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

Modern <strong>Haiti</strong>an immigration to the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong><br />

dates from the late nineteenth century, when increasing North<br />

American capital raised sugar production. <strong>Dominican</strong>s have<br />

never welcomed these immigrants, first, because of the legacy<br />

of the oppressive <strong>Haiti</strong>an occupation <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Dominican</strong> struggle<br />

for independence <strong>and</strong>, second, because of Trujillo's <strong>and</strong><br />

then Balaguer's views of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans <strong>and</strong> their anti-<strong>Haiti</strong> policies.<br />

The <strong>Haiti</strong>an presence resulted from economic necessity born<br />

of the reluctance of <strong>Dominican</strong>s to perform the menial task of<br />

cane-cutting. The 1920 census listed slightly under 28,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

nationals in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>. Successive governments<br />

attempted to control the numbers of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans entering<br />

the country; the border was periodically closed in the 1910s<br />

<strong>and</strong> 1920s. But by 1935 the number had increased to more<br />

than 50,000. Trujillo ordered a general roundup of <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

along the border in 1937, during which an estimated 5,000 to<br />

12,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>ans were killed (see The Trujillo Era, ch. 1)<br />

Since the 1960s, a series of bilateral agreements has regulated<br />

legal <strong>Haiti</strong>an immigration. In 1966 Balaguer contracted<br />

with the <strong>Haiti</strong>an government for 10,000 to 20,000 temporary<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an workers annually for the sugarcane harvest. When this<br />

agreement expired in the early 1980s, there was a great labor<br />

shortage on the <strong>Dominican</strong> State Sugar Council (Consejo<br />

74

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