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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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IN THE DOMINICAN REPUBLIC, the past has weighed<br />

heavily on current political practices. The country's historical<br />

evolution, for example, has proved particularly inimical to<br />

democratic development, deviating significantly from patterns<br />

viewed as optimum for the development of democracy. Political<br />

scientist Robert Dahl has argued that sequences in which<br />

successful experiences with limited liberalization are followed<br />

by gradually greater inclusiveness appear to favor democracy.<br />

The analyst Eric Nordlinger has asserted that the pattern most<br />

promising for the development of democracy is one in which<br />

national identity emerges first, then legitimate <strong>and</strong> authoritative<br />

state structures are institutionalized, <strong>and</strong> ultimately mass<br />

parties <strong>and</strong> a mass electorate emerge with the extension of citizenship<br />

rights to non-elite elements.<br />

The pattern followed by the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> was very<br />

different. The country's colonial period was marked by the decimation<br />

of the indigenous population, <strong>and</strong> then by poverty <strong>and</strong><br />

warfare. National integration was truncated, first by a <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

invasion <strong>and</strong> then by the attempts of some <strong>Dominican</strong> elites to<br />

trade nascent <strong>Dominican</strong> sovereignty for security by having foreign<br />

powers annex the country, while enriching themselves in<br />

the process. State building also suffered under the dual impact<br />

of international vulnerability <strong>and</strong> unstable, neopatrimonial,<br />

authoritarian politics. Both integration <strong>and</strong> state building were<br />

also impaired by bitter regional struggles based on different<br />

economic interests <strong>and</strong> desires for power that accentuated the<br />

politics of the country. In this context, the failure of early<br />

efforts to extend liberal guarantees <strong>and</strong> citizenship rights to<br />

vast sectors of the population served to reinforce past patterns<br />

of behavior. Nonetheless, reform efforts continually<br />

reemerged.<br />

Indeed, a <strong>Dominican</strong> state arguably did not emerge until the<br />

late nineteenth century or even the era of Rafael Leonidas<br />

Trujillo Molina (1930-61). Trujillo's emergence, in turn, was<br />

unquestionably facilitated by changes wrought by the eightyear<br />

United States occupation of the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> at<br />

the beginning of the twentieth century. Trujillo's pattern of<br />

rule could not have been more hostile to democratic governance.<br />

His centralization of power, monopolization of the<br />

economy, destruction or co-optation of enemies, <strong>and</strong> astonish-<br />

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