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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

executive, interrogate members of the cabinet, <strong>and</strong> legislate on<br />

all matters not within the constitutional m<strong>and</strong>ate of other<br />

branches of government or contrary to the constitution. By a<br />

two-thirds vote of the full membership in each chamber, the<br />

Congress can also override a presidential veto of a law previously<br />

approved by simple majority.<br />

Historically, the <strong>Dominican</strong> Congress has been a weak, submissive<br />

branch. Its facilities, staffing, offices, <strong>and</strong> library have<br />

been woefully inadequate; in addition, the Court of Accounts,<br />

which examines the country's finances <strong>and</strong> reports to the Congress,<br />

has not provided complete or timely information. In the<br />

past several years, some modest steps toward improvement<br />

have been taken. Because the selection of c<strong>and</strong>idates to the<br />

party lists has been determined by party leaders, legislators<br />

have tended to be more responsive to these leaders than to voters.<br />

Turnover has been extremely high: from 1970 to 1998,<br />

only 18 percent of incumbent senators <strong>and</strong> only 17 percent of<br />

incumbent deputies were reelected to a subsequent term. The<br />

turnover has further encouraged legislative weakness <strong>and</strong> executive<br />

predominance. Many legislators have seen their position<br />

in Congress as temporarily providing them with an opportunity<br />

to focus on issues of personal <strong>and</strong> parochial gain, rather than<br />

on broader ideological or policy issues. The high turnover has<br />

also tended to discourage emphasis on building up the institution<br />

of the Congress itself. Finally, because the judicial branch<br />

until very recently has also tended to be extremely submissive<br />

to the executive branch, there has been little the legislature<br />

could actually do to prevent abuse of power by the president.<br />

This was especially the case with Balaguer, who governed the<br />

country with considerable discretion <strong>and</strong> little effective congressional<br />

oversight.<br />

Congress showed more independence during the PRE) governments<br />

of Antonio Guzman <strong>and</strong> Salvador Jorge Blanco<br />

between 1978 <strong>and</strong> 1986, <strong>and</strong> again under the PLD government<br />

of Leonel Fern<strong>and</strong>ez (1996-2000). In addition, during his<br />

1986-96 period in office, Balaguer was more limited in his ability<br />

to ignore or sidestep Congress than he had been during the<br />

1966-78 period when he had comfortable majorities in both<br />

chambers. Even the earlier Balaguer administrations occasionally<br />

confronted an obstructionist Congress, however. Indeed,<br />

the major power of Congress has been to obstruct <strong>and</strong> to<br />

delay—whether in the pursuit of personal or parochial gain,<br />

responding to the wishes of interest groups or other societal<br />

178

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