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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> in 1995. Historically, more than<br />

20,000 <strong>Haiti</strong>ans have worked annually in the <strong>Dominican</strong> sugarcane<br />

fields during the harvesting season, although the number<br />

of such workers has decreased in recent years. But in bad times,<br />

greater numbers of indigent <strong>Haiti</strong>ans travel to the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong>, imposing a heavy burden on their neighbor's social<br />

services. For this reason, periods of political tension between<br />

the two countries are occasionally punctuated by calls for more<br />

stringent immigration regulations; these occasions usually<br />

result in the forced expulsion of many undocumented <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

from the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>. Most of those expelled manage<br />

to return fairly quickly, however, mainly because of the lack of<br />

adequate controls on both sides of the border.<br />

In fairness it should be noted that the <strong>Haiti</strong>an community<br />

resident in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> makes significant contributions<br />

to the <strong>Dominican</strong> economy by performing many<br />

menial jobs that the average <strong>Dominican</strong> worker tends to shun.<br />

Indeed, the ambivalence of <strong>Dominican</strong>s toward their <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

neighbors is seen in the stance of some senators representing<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> frontier provinces who have expressed concern<br />

over a possible avalanche of illegal <strong>Haiti</strong>an immigration (triggered<br />

by dire socioeconomic conditions) ;<br />

they have called on<br />

the international community to promote social <strong>and</strong> economic<br />

development in <strong>Haiti</strong> instead of concentrating only on institutionalizing<br />

democratic rule. Other <strong>Dominican</strong>s have gone so<br />

far as to suggest that their country might be wise to encourage<br />

more <strong>Dominican</strong> investment in <strong>Haiti</strong>. After all, the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong>'s exports to <strong>Haiti</strong> exceed US$30 million a year, while<br />

its imports from <strong>Haiti</strong> fall short of US$1 million; moreover,<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong> buys 77 percent of all <strong>Dominican</strong> exports to the Caribbean.<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong> established a labor code in 1961, but revised it in 1984<br />

to bring legislation more in line with st<strong>and</strong>ards set by the International<br />

Labour Organisation (ILO). Conformity with ILO<br />

guidelines was a prerequisite for certification under the Caribbean<br />

Basin Initiative (CBI—see Glossary) enacted by the<br />

United States Congress in 1983. The country's most fundamental<br />

labor law, the minimum wage, is the most controversial. Low<br />

wage rates have attracted foreign assembly operations. In 1989<br />

the average minimum wage stood at the equivalent of US$3 a<br />

day, with small variations for different types of assembly work.<br />

The minimum wage in the late 1980s was below the 1970 level<br />

in real terms, but assembly manufacturers <strong>and</strong> government<br />

386

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