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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

informal environment <strong>and</strong> deriving profit from it. And, many<br />

groups in civil society have also responded more to clientelist<br />

modes of politics than to more participatory, democratic ones.<br />

The Evolution of Constitutional Doctrine<br />

Liberal ideas did not penetrate deeply into the country in<br />

the nineteenth century. Constitutions <strong>and</strong> formal legal institutions<br />

were often either ignored or given ex post facto rationalizations;<br />

such documents <strong>and</strong> institutions kept liberal doctrines<br />

alive but at the cost of hypocrisy <strong>and</strong> cynicism. The <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong> appears to fit the general pattern in Latin America in<br />

that the number of constitutions correlates inversely with a<br />

country's democratic experience. Having had practically no<br />

democratic history until well into the second half of the twentieth<br />

century, the country has, nevertheless, experienced a substantial<br />

number of new constitutions <strong>and</strong> other modifications.<br />

As was the case in other authoritarian countries, in the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong> the adoption of a new constitution, especially in<br />

the late nineteenth century, often reflected an authoritarian<br />

leader's effort to legitimize or extend his rule. This pattern was<br />

to continue well into the twentieth century. However, at times,<br />

as elsewhere on the continent, new constitutions in the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong> also were generated during democratic "turning<br />

points," although these tended to be short-lived. Thus, for<br />

nearly all of <strong>Dominican</strong> history, unconstitutional regimes have<br />

used constitutionalism to augment their claims to legitimacy<br />

rather than employing them to establish general "rules of the<br />

game" to which they or other major power holders in the society<br />

would commit themselves. At the same time, reformers <strong>and</strong><br />

democratic leaders sought to generate liberal constitutional<br />

texts <strong>and</strong> to live by them.<br />

The country's first constitution in 1844 was a remarkably liberal<br />

document. It was influenced directly by the <strong>Haiti</strong>an constitution<br />

of 1843 <strong>and</strong> indirectly by the United States Constitution<br />

of 1789, the liberal 1812 Cadiz Constitution of Spain, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

French constitutions of 1799 <strong>and</strong> 1804. Because of these influences,<br />

the 1844 constitution called for presidentialism, separation<br />

of powers, <strong>and</strong> extensive "checks <strong>and</strong> balances." But its<br />

liberal nature was to be short-lived. General Pedro Santana,<br />

claiming that the legislative restrictions on the executive were<br />

excessive in a period of war, forced the Constitutional Assembly<br />

to add an article granting the president extraordinary powers.<br />

Also, although the constitution did not permit immediate pres-<br />

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