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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

After the death of Trujillo, <strong>Dominican</strong> policy makers faced<br />

the sensitive issue of how best to manage the dictator's economic<br />

policy, which by stressing a one-crop economy represented<br />

more of a drain on national finances than a catalyst to<br />

development. These contradictions played themselves out<br />

within the CEA, an entrenched, politicized, <strong>and</strong> inefficient parastatal.<br />

The role of sugar changed markedly in the 1980s as external<br />

conditions forced the national economy to diversify. Sugar<br />

prices had reached unprecedented highs in 1975 <strong>and</strong> again in<br />

1979. The international recession of the early 1980s, however,<br />

pushed prices to their lowest level in forty years. Lower world<br />

prices hurt the <strong>Dominican</strong> economy, but the reduction of sales<br />

to the United States market, as a result of quota reductions that<br />

began in 1981, was even more costly because of the preferential<br />

price the United States paid under the quota system. The international<br />

market continued to be unpromising in the late<br />

1990s. The market was glutted by overproduction, caused principally<br />

by European beet growers; major soft-drink manufacturers<br />

also began to turn to high-fructose corn sweeteners <strong>and</strong><br />

away from cane sugar.<br />

In the late 1980s, the CEA controlled 60 percent of the<br />

nation's sugar output through the ownership of 75 percent of<br />

the country's major sugar mills. These mills included the largest<br />

<strong>and</strong> best equipped, the Haina mill. The CEA also owned<br />

233,000 hectares of l<strong>and</strong>. However, the state-owned enterprise<br />

was operating at a loss <strong>and</strong> became so heavily indebted that it<br />

began selling off l<strong>and</strong> for industrial free zones <strong>and</strong> tourism<br />

development projects. Its output fell below the production rate<br />

of the two major privately owned companies, Casa Vicini <strong>and</strong><br />

the Central Romana Corporation.<br />

The CEA's production has continued to decline steadily in<br />

the 1990s, dropping from 311,000 tons in 1993 to 271,533 tons<br />

in 1994 to 224,448 tons in 1995, to an all-time low of 196,826<br />

tons in 1996. The long-term declining productivity of the CEA,<br />

which was scheduled for privatization in 1999, was compensated<br />

for by privately owned mills. For example, Central<br />

Romana reported record production of 370,000 tons in 1993<br />

<strong>and</strong> 344,700 tons in 1996 (only figures available). The country's<br />

total sugar output in 1997, for example, was sufficient to<br />

enable it to meet its United States preferential import quota<br />

(see table 7, Appendix). This quota system, of which the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> is the largest beneficiary, provides a pref-<br />

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