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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

efforts were made to develop community spirit, local initiative,<br />

<strong>and</strong> self-help projects. These projects were not wholly successful,<br />

in large part because of the traditional arrangement under<br />

which almost all power flowed downward from the central government.<br />

A small step was taken with the passage of a law in<br />

1983 that m<strong>and</strong>ated that a percentage of the country's taxes be<br />

distributed to municipalities. Enforcement of the law, particularly<br />

under President Balaguer, was uneven, however.<br />

In the 1990s, as a consequence of the focus of international<br />

aid agencies on decentralization, the emergence of groups in<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> civil society pressuring for change, <strong>and</strong> the desire<br />

of some opposition political parties to coordinate local development<br />

efforts, additional pressure for change emerged. An<br />

important potential advance took place with the passage of a<br />

January 1997 law providing that 4 percent of the central government's<br />

national budget be transferred to municipal governments.<br />

The law did not clearly specify the functions or<br />

responsibilities of a municipality, however.<br />

Decentralization efforts under President Fern<strong>and</strong>ez, however,<br />

became mired in partisan politics. Following the 1998<br />

local elections, which led to PRD plurality victories in more<br />

than half of the country's municipalities, the PRD expected to<br />

retain control of the secretary generalship of the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

Municipal League <strong>and</strong> thus of the enhanced resources provided<br />

for under the new law, which promised to be a key source<br />

of patronage. However, the PRD publicly accused the Fern<strong>and</strong>ez<br />

administration of attempting to bribe electors in order to<br />

take control of the League by supporting a c<strong>and</strong>idate from the<br />

PRSC. In January 1999, following several tense incidents<br />

between riot police <strong>and</strong> PRD party members, two parallel<br />

assemblies elected two different persons as secretary general to<br />

head the League, through which would flow approximately<br />

US$400 million. The c<strong>and</strong>idate of the PRSC supported by the<br />

PLD ultimately gained control of the League offices. In February<br />

1999, President Fern<strong>and</strong>ez proposed a political dialogue in<br />

order to resolve several critical issues including this one, others<br />

such as the composition of the Central Electoral Board leading<br />

up to the 2000 elections, <strong>and</strong> various key administrative bills<br />

stalemated in Congress (see Electoral System, this ch.). With<br />

regard to the <strong>Dominican</strong> Municipal League, an ad-hoc committee<br />

of notables was formed to help determine how funds<br />

should be disbursed.<br />

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