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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

tions. The upper-class opposition to Trujillo was organized in<br />

the National Civic Union (Union Civica Nacional—UCN) . The<br />

UCN dominated the provisional government <strong>and</strong> expected its<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate, Viriato Fiallo, to win the elections. To the UCN's<br />

surprise, it was defeated by Juan Bosch Gaviho, one of the<br />

founders of the <strong>Dominican</strong> Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong>o—PRD) in exile in the late 1930s, <strong>and</strong><br />

the UCN soon disappeared. The PRD was successfully converted<br />

into a mass party with both urban <strong>and</strong> rural appeal:<br />

Bosch campaigned as the c<strong>and</strong>idate of the poor <strong>and</strong> promised<br />

to implement a variety of socioeconomic <strong>and</strong> political reforms.<br />

The Bosch administration represented a freely elected, liberal,<br />

democratic government concerned for the welfare of all<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong>s. The 1963 constitution separated church <strong>and</strong><br />

state, guaranteed civil <strong>and</strong> individual rights, <strong>and</strong> endorsed civilian<br />

control of the military. These <strong>and</strong> other changes, such as<br />

l<strong>and</strong> reform, struck conservative l<strong>and</strong>holders <strong>and</strong> military<br />

officers as radical <strong>and</strong> threatening. The hierarchy of the<br />

Roman Catholic Church also resented the secular nature of the<br />

new constitution, in particular its provision for legalized<br />

divorce. The hierarchy, along with the military leadership <strong>and</strong><br />

the economic elite, also feared communist influence in the<br />

republic, <strong>and</strong> they warned of the potential for "another Cuba."<br />

As a result, the conservative socioeconomic forces coalesced<br />

with political, military, <strong>and</strong> church figures to overthrow President<br />

Bosch on September 25, 1963, only seven months after he<br />

assumed office; United States support for his government had<br />

also weakened. The institutional changes that Bosch, his new<br />

constitution, <strong>and</strong> his proposed reforms represented, in a situation<br />

in which his party possessed an absolute majority, were<br />

perceived as too threatening; however, middle-sector <strong>and</strong> popular-sector<br />

groups remained relatively weak <strong>and</strong> unorganized.<br />

If Bosch's regime was overthrown in 1963 ostensibly because of<br />

its alleged communist nature, weak radical leftist elements<br />

were in fact strengthened by the coup, <strong>and</strong> the country experienced<br />

further polarization over the next several years.<br />

Following the coup, a civilian junta known as the Triumvirate,<br />

dominated by the UCN <strong>and</strong> headed by Emilio de los Santos,<br />

was formed. However, Santos resigned on December 23<br />

<strong>and</strong> was replaced by Donald Reid Cabral, who increasingly<br />

became the dominant figure. His regime lacked legitimacy or<br />

strong support, however, <strong>and</strong> on April 25, 1965, a civil-military<br />

conspiracy sought to return Bosch to power. The <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

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