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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

Namphy was supported by the army as president of the new<br />

military government, but divisions existed in the army comm<strong>and</strong>,<br />

<strong>and</strong> each faction vied for control of the presidency. As a<br />

consequence of his lack of support within the military hierarchy,<br />

Namphy sought additional support outside, from henchmen<br />

of the Duvalier regime <strong>and</strong> former mahout. To intimidate<br />

civilian resistance, Namphy unleashed a campaign of terror.<br />

Victims included Lafontant Joseph, a distinguished lawyer <strong>and</strong><br />

human rights advocate, <strong>and</strong> members of the activist sector of<br />

the church. In one week, three churches were stormed. The<br />

first assault was particularly vicious. Armed men burst into St.<br />

Jean Bosco on September 11, killing eleven worshipers <strong>and</strong><br />

wounding seventy others in an unsuccessful attempt to reach<br />

Jean-Bertr<strong>and</strong> Aristide, the officiating priest.<br />

On September 17, 1988, noncommissioned officers ousted<br />

General Namphy in a coup, dispatched him to the <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

<strong>Republic</strong>, <strong>and</strong> took charge—arresting <strong>and</strong> demoting officers<br />

with Duvalierist connections. Hope grew, <strong>and</strong> talk about housecleaning<br />

to complete efforts begun in February 1986<br />

unleashed new efforts to uproot mahout all over <strong>Haiti</strong>.<br />

This coup was different from previous ones. The noncommissioned<br />

officers had more in common with most <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

than their officers. Excluded from perquisites <strong>and</strong> poorly paid,<br />

they issued a list of dem<strong>and</strong>s that called for restoration of the<br />

1987 constitution, legislative <strong>and</strong> presidential elections, respect<br />

for human rights, removal of makout from the army, the disarming<br />

of paramilitary gangs, separation of the army from the<br />

police, <strong>and</strong> an end to political brutality.<br />

Inexplicably, the noncommissioned officers turned over<br />

control of the government to Brigadier General Prosper Avril.<br />

Within a short time, he accused them of planning a coup<br />

against him <strong>and</strong> arrested fifteen of the leaders. By December<br />

1988, President Avril, who had been installed by the army in<br />

September 1988, was in full control of the government.<br />

President Avril was an astute politician <strong>and</strong> tactician, skills he<br />

had learned from service to the Duvaliers. Prior to becoming a<br />

member of the CNG, the general had comm<strong>and</strong>ed Duvalier's<br />

Presidential Guard, been financial manager for the Duvalier<br />

family, <strong>and</strong> served as a personal aide to Jean-Claude Duvalier.<br />

Avril cultivated loyalty by giving a share of the goods that<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong> imported to his friends for resale, a practice that contributed<br />

to a US$60 million increase in the budget deficit. He also<br />

co-opted potential enemies by including various sectors of soci-<br />

298

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