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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

establish a union. It calls for automatic recognition of a union<br />

if the government has not acted on its application within a specific<br />

time. In practice, the government has readily facilitated<br />

recognition of labor organizations. Unions can <strong>and</strong> do freely<br />

affiliate regionally <strong>and</strong> internationally, <strong>and</strong> they are independent<br />

of the government <strong>and</strong> political parties.<br />

Collective bargaining is provided for by law <strong>and</strong> may be exercised<br />

in firms in which a union has gained the support of an<br />

absolute majority of the workers, but only a minority of companies<br />

have collective bargaining pacts. The Labor Code stipulates<br />

that workers cannot be dismissed because of their trade<br />

union membership or activities. In 1997 there were some seventy<br />

unions in the thirty-six established FTZs, which included<br />

288 United States-owned or affiliated companies <strong>and</strong> employed<br />

approximately 172,000 workers, mostly women. The majority of<br />

these unions are affiliated with the National Federation of Free<br />

Trade Zone Workers, but many of them exist only on paper.<br />

And some FTZ companies, whose working conditions are generally<br />

better than others in the country, have a history of discharging<br />

workers who attempt to organize unions. The State<br />

Sugar Council (CEA), on the other h<strong>and</strong>, employs workers<br />

from more than 100 unions while it discourages additional<br />

organizing efforts. <strong>Dominican</strong> workers predominate in most of<br />

the unions, but two unions are <strong>Haiti</strong>an-dominated.<br />

The matter of <strong>Haiti</strong>an migrants in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong><br />

has been a contentious one. Since the early twentieth century,<br />

the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> has received both temporary <strong>and</strong> permanent<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an migrants. Several hundred thous<strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

were believed to reside in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> in the late<br />

1990s, representing workers in the country both legally <strong>and</strong><br />

illegally. As the result of several agreements between the<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>an governments, numerous cane cutters<br />

were brought in legally. However, most were paid miserably low<br />

wages <strong>and</strong> experienced very poor living conditions. Many of<br />

the legal <strong>and</strong> illegal <strong>Haiti</strong>an workers lived in camps on the sugarcane<br />

plantations. Because of disturbances that arose at a<br />

sugar plantation in 1985 in which several <strong>Haiti</strong>ans were killed,<br />

the government discontinued the official contracting of <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

cane cutters. Reportedly, however, numerous <strong>Haiti</strong>ans in<br />

the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> illegally (primarily because <strong>Dominican</strong><br />

salaries <strong>and</strong> living conditions generally were better than<br />

those in <strong>Haiti</strong>) were picked up by the government <strong>and</strong> obliged<br />

to work in the cane fields or be forcibly repatriated. <strong>Haiti</strong>ans<br />

124

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