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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Haiti</strong>: <strong>Country</strong> <strong>Studies</strong><br />

Missions<br />

No valid purpose exists for armed forces structured to<br />

defend the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>'s security because the country<br />

faces no foreseeable external military threat. The principal justification<br />

for the military establishment is the containment of<br />

possible civil unrest. The military is thus largely organized as an<br />

internal security force. The armed forces also constitute a principal<br />

line of defense against international drug trafficking.<br />

However, in spite of help from the United States, the flow of<br />

narcotics has not been stemmed because of equipment <strong>and</strong><br />

budget limitations as well as insufficiently motivated personnel.<br />

The <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong> has a tradition of enmity toward<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong> although the military officers of the two countries have<br />

maintained friendly relations. On a personal level, President<br />

Balaguer had little incentive to enforce the United Nations<br />

(UN) embargo against the <strong>Haiti</strong>an military regime in 1994<br />

because it was intended to help restore the government of President<br />

Jean-Bertr<strong>and</strong> Aristide, whom Balaguer personally disliked.<br />

The unhindered movement of goods, particularly<br />

gasoline, across the lightly patrolled border with <strong>Haiti</strong> undercut<br />

the effectiveness of the embargo. Only after coming under<br />

heavy international pressure did Balaguer agree to seal the border<br />

by replacing corrupt border guards with 10,000 or more<br />

troops. The United States provided radios <strong>and</strong> night vision<br />

equipment, <strong>and</strong> a UN observer force was dispatched to help<br />

stiffen the <strong>Dominican</strong> effort. The <strong>Dominican</strong> army cut down<br />

embargo violations by day but was unable to prevent activity at<br />

night. It was also alleged that many of the border troops were<br />

less interested in interdicting gasoline than in ensuring their<br />

share of the bribe money changing h<strong>and</strong>s.<br />

After the return of the Aristide government in 1994, several<br />

of the more notorious of the <strong>Haiti</strong>an military coup leaders took<br />

refuge in the <strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>, where their presence<br />

became a source of tension between the two governments. In<br />

1996, however, they were deported by the <strong>Dominican</strong> authorities<br />

<strong>and</strong> left for Central America.<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> army troops <strong>and</strong> observation posts are thinly<br />

located along the length of the 388-kilometer frontier. Border<br />

forces are principally concerned with illegal border crossings<br />

<strong>and</strong> contrab<strong>and</strong>, especially narcotics. <strong>Haiti</strong>an military capability<br />

has been clearly unequal to that of <strong>Dominican</strong> forces, <strong>and</strong><br />

incursions in whatever form could be h<strong>and</strong>led. Any latent <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

threat became even more improbable after the <strong>Haiti</strong>an<br />

222

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