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Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

by Helen Chapin Metz et al

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<strong>Dominican</strong> <strong>Republic</strong>: Historical Setting<br />

bia (consisting of what later became Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela,<br />

<strong>and</strong> Panama) recently proclaimed established by Simon<br />

,<br />

Bolivar <strong>and</strong> his followers. While the request was in transit, however,<br />

the president of <strong>Haiti</strong>, Jean-Pierre Boyer, decided to<br />

invade Santo Domingo <strong>and</strong> to reunite the isl<strong>and</strong> under the<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an flag.<br />

The twenty-two-year <strong>Haiti</strong>an occupation that followed<br />

(1822-44) is recalled by <strong>Dominican</strong>s as a period of brutal military<br />

rule, although the reality is more complex. <strong>Haiti</strong>'s policies<br />

toward Santo Domingo were induced in part by international<br />

financial pressures because <strong>Haiti</strong> had promised in an 1825<br />

treaty to indemnify former French settlers in return for French<br />

recognition of <strong>Haiti</strong>an independence. Ultimately, it was a<br />

period of economic decline <strong>and</strong> of growing resentment of<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong> among <strong>Dominican</strong>s. The main activity was subsistence<br />

agriculture, <strong>and</strong> exports consisted of small amounts of tobacco,<br />

cattle hides, caoba wood (<strong>Dominican</strong> mahogany), molasses,<br />

<strong>and</strong> rum; the population, in turn, had declined precipitously<br />

by 1909 to some 75,000 people. Boyer attempted to enforce in<br />

the new territory the Rural Code (Code Rural) he had decreed<br />

in an effort to improve productivity among the <strong>Haiti</strong>an yeomanry;<br />

however, the <strong>Dominican</strong>s proved no more willing to<br />

adhere to its provisions than were the <strong>Haiti</strong>ans (see Early Years<br />

of Independence, 1804-43, ch. 6). Increasing numbers of<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong> l<strong>and</strong>owners chose to flee the isl<strong>and</strong> rather than live<br />

under <strong>Haiti</strong>an rule; in many cases, <strong>Haiti</strong>an administrators<br />

encouraged such emigration.<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong>s also resented the fact that Boyer, the ruler of an<br />

impoverished country, did not (or could not) provision his<br />

army. The occupying <strong>Haiti</strong>an forces lived off the l<strong>and</strong> in Santo<br />

Domingo, comm<strong>and</strong>eering or confiscating what they needed.<br />

Racial animosities also affected attitudes on both sides; black<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>an troops reacted with resentment toward lighter-skinned<br />

<strong>Dominican</strong>s, while <strong>Dominican</strong>s came to associate the <strong>Haiti</strong>ans'<br />

dark skin with the oppression <strong>and</strong> abuses of occupation. Furthermore,<br />

<strong>Haiti</strong>ans, who associated the Roman Catholic<br />

Church with the French colonists who had so cruelly exploited<br />

<strong>and</strong> abused them before independence, confiscated all church<br />

property in the east, deported all foreign clergy, <strong>and</strong> severed<br />

the ties of the remaining clergy to the Vatican. The occupation<br />

reinforced <strong>Dominican</strong>s' perception of themselves as different<br />

from <strong>Haiti</strong>ans with regard to culture, religion, race, <strong>and</strong> daily<br />

practices.<br />

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