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The Jimmy Carter Administration (1977-1981), seeking to use Nicaragua<br />

to showcase its much vaunted human rights policy, put strong pressure on<br />

Somoza to liberalize and to open the way to a democratic succession. But it<br />

soon became clear that the Administration did not want the Sandinistas to come<br />

to power under any circumstances. However, in spite of numerous maneuvers<br />

designed to promote a non-Sandinista outcome, the regime collapsed and the<br />

FSLN found itself in power in July 1979.<br />

The Sandinista victory set alarm bells ringing in the halls of power in<br />

Washington, San Salvador, and Guatemala. The Carter Administration<br />

maintained cool, but correct relations with the new regime in Managua, while<br />

putting pressure on the military rulers of Guatemala, and especially El Salvador,<br />

to initiate social and political reforms that would preempt the revolutionary<br />

threat.<br />

The revolutionaries responded vigorously to the new situation. Both in El<br />

Salvador and in Guatemala, previously fragmented insurgencies cobbled together<br />

unified fronts: the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in El<br />

Salvador and the Guatemalan National Revolutionary Union (URNG) in<br />

Guatemala. 2 The FMLN actually staged an offensive in January of 1981, seriously<br />

attempting to seize power, though ultimately failing. A very strong insurgency<br />

then continued to control large areas of the country through the 1980s in spite of<br />

strong US backing for a repressive counterinsurgency program.<br />

The URNG in Guatemala was in a distinctly weaker position than the<br />

FMLN, but it made a significant effort to broaden its popular base by reaching<br />

out to the country’s huge rural indigenous population in the western highlands.<br />

They had enough success to provoke the Armed Forces to two coups (1982 and<br />

1983) seeking to establish a regime capable of a sophisticated counterinsurgency<br />

operation. The General Efraín Ríos Montt (1982-83) engaged in a bloody<br />

program of repression in the indigenous areas which brought unwelcome<br />

international attention. Ríos Montt was then replaced by General Humberto<br />

Mejía Víctores, who kept a lower profile without changing the fundamentally<br />

repressive stance.<br />

First Jimmy Carter, then Ronald Reagan were anxious to prevent “another<br />

Nicaragua.” While the Carter Administration pushed for a reduction of repression<br />

and the implementation of democratization, the Reagan Administration initially<br />

rejected that approach and followed the advice of United Nations Ambassador<br />

Jeane Kirkpatrick (1982) to support anticommunist authoritarian regimes. By the<br />

mid-1980s, however, Reagan adopted a policy of countering the threat of<br />

revolution by promoting democratization. This latter policy was rehorically<br />

disctinct from Carter’s, but in practice very similar. A key component of both<br />

policies was promoting a transition from openly authoritarian regimes to elected,<br />

formally democratic regimes. This transition took place from 1979-1984 in El<br />

Salvador, and from 1982-1985 in Guatemala. In both cases, Christian<br />

Democratic presidents were elected and then kept on very short leashes by their<br />

15

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