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Zwischen Arktis Adria und Armenien

978-3-412-50757-2_OpenAccess

978-3-412-50757-2_OpenAccess

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Debating the Mercantile Backgro<strong>und</strong> 359<br />

the one hand, and the Kola Peninsula and the White Sea region on the other: “In this<br />

optimistic project John’s plans to control the most important communication routes<br />

to Russia became manifest. Later on this became a programme for Sweden’s political<br />

leadership.” 20<br />

The construction of the White Sea port of Arkhangel’sk in 1583, which economically<br />

neutralized the Swedish conquest of Russian Narva two years before, posed<br />

great problems for the realization of this programme. In Attman’s view the main reason<br />

for this was the ability of the Tsar to channel Russian foreign trade from the<br />

Baltic to the White Sea. Even at this stage he remarked that this obstacle to Swedish<br />

plans remained in effect in the following century:<br />

The investigation of market relations in the seventeenth century shows that the same preconditions<br />

for using different shipping ports existed as in the sixteenth century, but in the<br />

seventeenth century the trade route to Arkhangel’sk had been stabilized to such a degree<br />

that Swedish attempts to re-route the Arkhangel’sk trade into the Baltic sea by means of<br />

trade policy failed. 21<br />

“Nevertheless, Swedish policy”, he contended, “stuck to the plan to re-route<br />

Arkhangel’sk’s exports into the Gulf of Finland.” 22<br />

In two subsequent small-scale publications, Attman elaborated his interpretative<br />

framework and extended it into the first two decades of the seventeenth century. 23<br />

The opening sentences of his 1945 article on The Baltic policy of the Vasas, 24 typical<br />

of his economical, even curt style of writing, read: “The Baltic policy of Sweden has<br />

a long ancestry. The leading motive from ancient times is interest in the trade routes<br />

to the Russian markets.” 25 Here Attman presented for the first time his revisionist<br />

interpretation of the results of Gustav Adolf’s policy towards Muscovy. In his view,<br />

the young king adopted John III’s programme for control of the East-West trade, but<br />

failed where its northern component was concerned; while the Tsar was successfully<br />

cut off from the Baltic Sea by having been forced to cede Ingermanland to Sweden,<br />

Gustav Adolf did not succeed in acquiring the Russian coasts of the Arctic and the<br />

White Seas. Thus, Sweden was unable to close the ‘back door’ to the Russian market<br />

at Arkhangel’sk. Attman’s categoric and negative judgement on the Muscovite-<br />

Swedish peace treaty of 1617 contrasted sharply with that of previous Swedish historiography:<br />

“The peace of Stolbovo was thus a disappointment for Sweden, a fact<br />

20 Ibid., 281. See also 415–16.<br />

21 Ibid., 25.<br />

22 Ibid., 58.<br />

23 ‘A not yet published work on [Sweden’s] Baltic policy, 1595–1617’, completed by Attman in the<br />

mid-1940s, remained unpublished until 1979. Cf. Artur Attman, ‘Freden i Stolbovo. En aspekt’,<br />

Scandia, Vol. 19 (1948–9), 36–47 (36n), and Chapters XIV–XV in Artur Attman, The Struggle for<br />

Baltic Markets. Powers in Conflict, 1558–1618 (Göteborg 1979), 168–207 (Acta Regiae Societatis<br />

Scientiarum et Litterarum Gothoburgensis. Humaniora, 14).<br />

24 Artur Attman, ‘Vasarnas Östersjöpolitik. Några synpunkter’, Historielärarnas f’örenings årsskrift<br />

(1945), 32–45.<br />

25 Ibid., 32.<br />

Open Access © 2017 by BÖHLAU VERLAG GMBH & CIE, KÖLN WEIMAR WIEN

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