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Zwischen Arktis Adria und Armenien

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366 Historiographica<br />

true of Attman, who now also began to work intensively on the seventeenth century.<br />

Some of the results of his research appear not to be available owing to his death in<br />

1988. What he did manage to publish were two slim but important studies. In his<br />

1985 booklet Swedish Aspirations and the Russian Market during the Seventeenth<br />

Century 63 he took up a suggestion made by Klaus Zernack in 1962: “[Es] würde sich<br />

nun lohnen, z. B. einmal die Fragestellung A. Attmans auf das 17. Jahrh<strong>und</strong>ert zu<br />

übertragen.” 64 In this booklet, which well may be regarded as a brusque and rather<br />

stubborn reply to Roberts’s erudite and eloquent 1979 essay, Attman sought to extend<br />

the chronological applicability of his findings concerning the second half of the sixteenth<br />

century well into the eighteenth century: “Throughout the period from 1561–<br />

1721 the Russian market was the subject of great interest in Swedish policy [. . . ]<br />

Sweden’s policy of expansion and her trade policy were concentrated on the Russian<br />

market to a high degree.” 65 Again, the “f<strong>und</strong>amental objective of Swedish policy was<br />

the acquisition of control over the Russian market.” 66<br />

In marked contrast to the position in the sixteenth century, however, Attman saw<br />

seventeenth-century Sweden as not counting solely on military measures to reach this<br />

objective:<br />

In order to achieve control over the Russian trade routes, Swedish foreign policy had to<br />

grapple with two alternatives: resort to various trade/political measures or the annexation<br />

of areas which could act as springboards for military intervention. The choice between<br />

these alternatives was dictated by political circumstances. 67<br />

Attman also distinguished several periods during which either the one or the other<br />

option was applied. In his view, in the period from Stolbovo to the 1640s Sweden<br />

did not pursue the programme in question. Then, however, Oxenstierna turned to<br />

lowering the transit duties in Sweden’s transbaltic ports in order to attract some of<br />

the Arkhangel’sk trade into the Gulf of Finland. Under Charles X Gustav it was again<br />

the military option that came to occupy the foregro<strong>und</strong>, while the Swedish-Muscovite<br />

treaty of Kardis in 1661 implied a return to a more peaceful trade policy.<br />

Attman was of the opinion that up to the beginning of the Great Northern War, it<br />

was mainly Swedish diplomatic persuasion and the attraction of low customs tariffs<br />

that were supposed to re-route Muscovy’s White Sea trade. In the 1690s, he continued,<br />

two facts became clear to the Swedish leadership <strong>und</strong>er Charles XI (1672–97).<br />

In the first place, the policy of re-routing the Arkhangel’sk trade, as the College of<br />

Commerce stated in 1692, was all-in-all a failure; Swedish measures to monopolize<br />

access to the Russian market were notoriously counteracted by strong Muscovite,<br />

63 Artur Attman, Swedish Aspirations nnd the Russian Market during the 17 th Century (Göteborg 1985)<br />

(Acta Regiae Societatis Scientiarum et Litterarum Gothoburgensis. Humaniora, 24).<br />

64 Klaus Zernack, ‘Russland <strong>und</strong> Schweden im 17. Jahrh<strong>und</strong>ert. Neue Forschungen 1957–1960’,<br />

Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, Vol. 10 (1962), 103–16 (105).<br />

65 Attman, Aspirations, 5.<br />

66 Ibid., 9.<br />

67 Ibid., 17.

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