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Missing Pieces: - Royal Australian Navy

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148 <strong>Missing</strong> <strong>Pieces</strong><br />

The end of the Pacific War brought a reaffirmation by the <strong>Australian</strong> Government of<br />

its links to the Commonwealth, but it also demanded a more prominent position in<br />

the decision-making machinery of that organisation, especially in matters concerning<br />

defence. 442 The British were willing to grant this request, as it offered a way of sharing<br />

the post-war Commonwealth defence burden, and it ensured <strong>Australian</strong> interest in<br />

British programs in which its participation was practically essential. 443 For Australia,<br />

access to British weapons and nuclear technology would boost its own defence capacity<br />

and enable it to play a larger physical and political role in the region to its north through<br />

which the Japanese threat had materialised.<br />

Separately, the Chifley Labor Government committed itself wholeheartedly to the<br />

principles of the United Nations (UN) Organisation as a way of forestalling any<br />

attempt by a foreign power to wage war on Australia or its interests. The government,<br />

and particularly the Foreign Minister, Dr Herbert Evatt, took a prominent position<br />

in generating support for the new organisation. The Americans and even the British<br />

were concerned at Evatt’s attitudes and pronouncements in the UN General Assembly,<br />

where his enthusiastic espousal of the principles of the UN Charter regarding the use<br />

of force to resolve disputes and the right to independence of colonial peoples incurred<br />

the displeasure of Australia’s principal allies. It also raised suspicions in American<br />

minds about the ideological ‘soundness’ of the government. 444<br />

Meanwhile, <strong>Australian</strong> strategists and defence planners were considering where<br />

the next threat to Commonwealth security might come from, and how it could be<br />

met. The clear enemy was seen to be communism. The close attention being given<br />

by the Soviet Union to fomenting unrest in the colonies of European powers, not to<br />

mention the Chinese Civil War, raised the probability that Australia would have to<br />

face a deteriorating security situation on the Asian mainland to its north. This later<br />

became the ‘domino theory’, but at that time it seemed a relatively distant prospect.<br />

The British view was that the Soviets would concentrate their efforts on destabilising<br />

the Middle East, seeking to isolate the West from its sources of oil, and cutting Britain<br />

off from its Asian colonies, and Australia. 445 This appeared a more proximate concern,<br />

and <strong>Australian</strong> defence planning proceeded on the assumption that Australia would<br />

be required to provide forces in the Middle East, as she had in the two previous world<br />

wars. For its part, the <strong>Australian</strong> Government remained ambivalent on the issue and<br />

sought to restrict <strong>Australian</strong> defence commitments within an arc extending about<br />

2400km from the <strong>Australian</strong> coastline, as far north as Malaya. In time, this became<br />

known as the ANZAM region, the acronym reflecting the several defence concerns<br />

of the <strong>Australian</strong>, New Zealand and British governments in the stability and security<br />

of Malaya.<br />

Defence planners had a separate concern. The <strong>Australian</strong> Government was pursuing<br />

post-war reconstruction, and sought to cut other expenditures to the irreducible<br />

minimum. There had been a rapid large-scale demobilisation on the cessation of

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