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Missing Pieces: - Royal Australian Navy

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securing southeast asia: Malayan emergency and indonesian confrontation<br />

nOTes<br />

580 Letter by Prime Minister Howard to 16th Minesweeping Squadron Reunion Social Club on<br />

the occasion of the unveiling of a commemoration plaque at the <strong>Australian</strong> War Memorial,<br />

31 May 2006.<br />

581 During the author’s visit to the UK Ministry of Defence, Naval Historical Branch in 2003<br />

he was assured that CinCFE and COMFEF records had been returned to London after the<br />

British withdrawal east of Suez but that they were destroyed because they were ‘smelly’.<br />

Consequently, there has never been any attempt by the British to write an official history<br />

of the conflicts.<br />

582 Jeffrey Grey, Up Top: The <strong>Royal</strong> <strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Navy</strong> and Southeast Asian Conflicts 1955—1972,<br />

Allen & Unwin, Sydney,1998, pp. 42—70.<br />

583 NAA A816, Item 14/301/371 — Directive for the guidance of the Defence Department and<br />

Department of External Affairs: Defence Policy and National Security, 15 February 1946,<br />

p. 9.<br />

584 NAA A5954/69, Item 1662/1 — British Commonwealth Conference 1946: Briefing Paper<br />

‘Defence and Security’.<br />

585 LD MacLean, ANZIM to ANZUK — An Historical Outline of ANZAM, Department of Defence,<br />

Canberra, 1992, pp. 2—3.<br />

586 Donohue, From Empire Defence, pp. 82—84. The Radford-Collins agreement was essentially<br />

a formal confirmation of what had been agreed as early as 1948 between Admiral Ramsay,<br />

USN, Radford’s predecessor, and CNS Admiral Collins.<br />

587 NAA A5799/15, Item 125/1952 — Responsibilities of ANZAM chiefs of staff in relation to the<br />

external defence of Malaya, attachment to CNS letter of 10 June 1952.<br />

588 NAA A5954/69, Item 1631/1 — Strategic Planning in relation to British Commonwealth<br />

defence: basis for planning the defence of sea communications in the ANZAM region:<br />

COSC Agendum (50) 68 of 17 February 1950, p. 3. This was a significant step for the RAN,<br />

which formerly had had no strategic planning responsibilities. [Alastair Cooper, ‘At the<br />

Crossroads: Anglo-<strong>Australian</strong> Naval Relations, 1945—1971’, Journal of Military History 58,<br />

1994, pp. 699—718.]<br />

589 A contrary view is put by the leader of the Communist Party of Malaya, Chin Peng, who made<br />

the claim that the <strong>Australian</strong> foreign minister, Dr HV Evatt, showed interest in providing<br />

assistance to the British as early as August 1948. However, he conceded that it took two<br />

years for any assistance to eventuate, and seven years before <strong>Australian</strong> troops joined the<br />

battle. [Chin Peng, My Side of History, Media Masters, Singapore,2003, pp. 248—253.]<br />

590 It was felt that the hard work that Australia was putting into the development of the Colombo<br />

Plan (1950) might be placed in jeopardy by too willing a toeing of the British line on Malayan.<br />

[O’Neill, Strategy and Diplomacy, p. 38.]<br />

591 NAA A5954, Item 2292/3 — Malaya 1949 — Nov 1952 file 3, Memorandum of 19 May 50.<br />

The Bridgeford Mission.<br />

592 The report cast doubt on the value of bombing the jungle but noted a need ‘for additional<br />

naval vessels’. [NAA A816, Item 6/301/650 — Report on Malaya by <strong>Australian</strong> Military<br />

Mission to Malaya July—August 1950 of 11 September 1950.]<br />

593 NAA A1209/23, Item 1857/4152 — Strategic Basis of <strong>Australian</strong> Defence Policy 1953, Defence<br />

Committee minute 368/1952 of 8 January 1953.<br />

594 The specific matters addressed are listed in MacLean, ANZIM to ANZUK, p. 6.<br />

341

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