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1 The Birth of Science - MSRI

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256 10. Lost <strong>Science</strong><br />

not only here but in several other ancient passages: Lucretius develops it<br />

quite explicitly. 91<br />

Finally, we know that Seneca’s source envisaged the possibility that the page 319<br />

earth moves, because in an earlier passage Seneca mentions the rotatingearth<br />

explanation for the daily motion <strong>of</strong> the skies. 92<br />

We must conclude that Seneca’s source applied to the revolution <strong>of</strong><br />

planets around the sun the same idea mentioned by Plutarch in the case<br />

<strong>of</strong> the moon: the cancellation between gravitational attraction and centrifugal<br />

force. Because heliocentrism can explain planetary motion in this<br />

way, overcoming the difficulty inherent in planetary stations, the result<br />

was a dynamical justification <strong>of</strong> heliocentrism. Since Seneca’s source must<br />

be talking about ideas from Hellenistic astronomy <strong>of</strong> the second century<br />

B.C. (the time <strong>of</strong> Hipparchus), the conclusion reached is consistent with<br />

the thesis that the De facie passage discussed in Section 10.3 was based on<br />

Hipparchus’ book on gravity. 93<br />

10.6 Rays <strong>of</strong> Darkness and Triangular Rays 94<br />

Although we have no true astronomical works from the period between<br />

Hipparchus and Ptolemy, the Roman literature <strong>of</strong> the first centuries B.C.<br />

and A.D. contains, besides the Seneca passages, at least two expositions<br />

<strong>of</strong> astronomical arguments with some pretense <strong>of</strong> systematicity; they occur<br />

in Book II <strong>of</strong> Pliny’s Natural history and in Book IX <strong>of</strong> Vitruvius’ De<br />

architectura. Since astronomical activity in Rhodes went on after it ceased<br />

in Alexandria in 145 B.C., and since Rome maintained important trade<br />

and cultural ties with Rhodes down to the mid first century B.C., it would<br />

not be too surprising to find in these works traces <strong>of</strong> ideas <strong>of</strong> Hipparchus<br />

unknown to Ptolemy — the more so because, when Pliny mentions the page 320<br />

foreign sources for Book II <strong>of</strong> the Natural history, Hipparchus heads the<br />

list and garners lavish and enthusiastic praise. In fact Pliny regrets that<br />

no one was left to carry on the astronomer’s scientific legacy. 95 He briefly<br />

discusses an “immensely ingenious” theory capable <strong>of</strong> explaining the mo-<br />

91 “Qua vehimur navi, fertur, cum stare videtur; / quae manet in statione, ea praeter creditur<br />

ire. / et fugere ad puppim colles campique videntur, / quos agimus praeter navem velisque volamus”<br />

(De rerum natura, IV, 387–390). This passage parallels Seneca’s, as shown in [Russo: Lucrezio]<br />

based on the respective contexts.<br />

92 Seneca, Naturales quaestiones, VII, ii, 3.<br />

93 It has been generally assumed that this work <strong>of</strong> Hipparchus on gravity bore no relation to his<br />

astronomical interests. But already Heath wrote: “It is possible that even in this work Hipparchus<br />

may have applied his doctrine to the case <strong>of</strong> the heavenly bodies” ([Heath: HGM], p. 256).<br />

94 <strong>The</strong> material in this section is drawn largely from [Russo: Vitruvio] and [Russo: Hipparchus].<br />

95 Pliny, Naturalis historia, II, 95. Vitruvius, too, names Hipparchus (De architectura, IX, vi, 3).<br />

Revision: 1.11 Date: 2003/01/06 02:20:46

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