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1 The Birth of Science - MSRI

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344 11. <strong>The</strong> Age-Long Recovery<br />

Each <strong>of</strong> the renaissances discussed in Section 11.1 led to a partial replacement<br />

<strong>of</strong> earlier works on technical subjects by new works — in many cases<br />

<strong>of</strong> lower level; this sometimes limited the diffusion <strong>of</strong> the older works, and<br />

sometimes led to their complete disappearance. In imperial times, Heron’s<br />

work on automata displaced Philo’s and caused its disappearance. <strong>The</strong> re- page 421<br />

covery <strong>of</strong> ancient knowledge about refraction seems to have spelled, in the<br />

early seventeenth century, the end <strong>of</strong> Ptolemy’s Optics. 166 Gilbert’s treatise<br />

made obsolete the earlier work <strong>of</strong> Pierre de Maricourt (Petrus Peregrinus)<br />

on magnetism and the compass; 167 one may suspect that the latter, in turn,<br />

had contributed to the loss <strong>of</strong> older works on the subject. 168<br />

But in none <strong>of</strong> these situations had it been denied or questioned that the<br />

study <strong>of</strong> ancient Greek sources was, in their sum, essential. Admiration<br />

for ancient science was imparted, unabated, by the writers <strong>of</strong> the imperial<br />

period to Byzantium and the Arabs; it revived in late medieval Europe in<br />

the passionate pen <strong>of</strong> Roger Bacon, 169 and continued to be shared by such<br />

men as Della Porta, Francis Bacon, Galileo and Newton.<br />

In the eighteenth century something radically different took place. For<br />

the first time it was again possible to build coherent theories, which could<br />

be expected to evolve solely through the light <strong>of</strong> reason, without essential<br />

and constant recourse to poorly understood ancient sources. European<br />

science, confident <strong>of</strong> finally being able to walk on its own legs, underwent<br />

during the Enlightenment a phase <strong>of</strong> violent rejection <strong>of</strong> the old culture<br />

that had nurtured it, obliterating its memory. It was then that it came to be<br />

believed that pneumatics started with Torricelli, and the works <strong>of</strong> Heron<br />

and Philo <strong>of</strong> Byzantium fell into the oblivion in which they pretty much<br />

remain. 170 It was then that heliocentrism became “Copernican”, for earlier<br />

it had always been linked with its creator, Aristarchus — as when Gilles page 422<br />

de Roberval apocryphally published his book in defense <strong>of</strong> heliocentrism<br />

as if authored by the Greek astronomer (Aristarchi Samii de mundi systemate<br />

partibus. . . , Paris, 1644), or when Libert Fromond published a refuting tract<br />

166<br />

<strong>The</strong> ancient work was cited for the last time, by Ambrosius Rhodius, in 1611, and after that<br />

was considered lost.<br />

167<br />

Gilbert’s famous De magnete. . . (London, 1600), as the author acknowledges, owes much to<br />

Pierre de Maricourt’s 1269 epistolary tract, which had until then been popular in manuscript<br />

(“Tractatus de magnete Peregrini de Maricourt ad Sygerum militem”) and in print (De magnete,<br />

seu Rota perpetui motus, Augsburg, 1558; a truncated edition had appeared in the 1510s under the<br />

title De virtute magnetis, misattributed to Raymond Lull).<br />

168<br />

In the thirteenth century, theoretical knowledge about magnetism and the compass was shared<br />

by other authors such as Roger Bacon and Albertus Magnus. <strong>The</strong> compass — but not its use in<br />

navigation — is attested in China in the first century A.D.<br />

169<br />

See Section 4.10.<br />

170 See, for example, [Philo/Prager], p. 31.<br />

Revision: 1.11 Date: 2003/01/06 07:48:20

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