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1 The Birth of Science - MSRI

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342 11. <strong>The</strong> Age-Long Recovery<br />

But this left modern science with a serious weak spot. Since its results<br />

originated in the acquisition <strong>of</strong> external elements, created by a different<br />

civilization and not completely understood, it is not surprising that the<br />

science <strong>of</strong> Descartes, Kepler and Newton, despite its potential superiority<br />

(due to its applicability to a wider range <strong>of</strong> phenomena) was poorer than<br />

ancient science in its methodology. In the works <strong>of</strong> early modern science,<br />

individual pieces <strong>of</strong> content either recovered from ancient science or derived<br />

from such were plunged in a foreign overarching framework based<br />

on theology and natural philosophy. <strong>The</strong> crystal sphere <strong>of</strong> fixed stars —<br />

which, as we recall, was first introduced to explain the rigid nightly motion<br />

<strong>of</strong> the heavens, then abandoned in the time <strong>of</strong> Heraclides <strong>of</strong> Pontus<br />

when the hypothesis <strong>of</strong> the earth’s rotation was made, and then taken up<br />

again with the end <strong>of</strong> ancient science — did not disappear with the rise<br />

<strong>of</strong> heliocentrism: it still surrounded Kepler’s universe. Likewise Newton<br />

tried to frame his “new” science in Aristotelian categories, in particular<br />

preserving a concept <strong>of</strong> absolute space that is virtually incompatible with<br />

the principle <strong>of</strong> inertia.<br />

As we remarked on page 324, the eventual evolution <strong>of</strong> modern science<br />

into true scientific theories was ensured by the fact that its structure was<br />

circumscribed by technical elements that followed closely the surviving<br />

Hellenistic treatises, from which authors continued to draw. Nonetheless,<br />

the level <strong>of</strong> mathematical rigor remained for a long period far below what page 419<br />

it was in Hellenistic times. Here is how Newton discusses the limit <strong>of</strong> the<br />

ratio between two infinitesimals (what he calls the “ultimate proportion”<br />

<strong>of</strong> “evanescent quantities”):<br />

<strong>The</strong>refore if hereafter I should happen to consider quantities as made<br />

up <strong>of</strong> particles . . . I would not be understood to mean indivisibles,<br />

but evanescent divisible quantities[.]<br />

Perhaps it may be objected, that there is no ultimate proportion <strong>of</strong><br />

evanescent quantities; because the proportion, before the quantities<br />

have vanished, is not the ultimate, and when they are vanished, is<br />

none. . . . But the answer is easy; . . . by the ultimate ratio <strong>of</strong> evanescent<br />

quantities is to be understood the ratio <strong>of</strong> the quantities not before<br />

they vanish, nor afterwards, but with which they vanish. 161<br />

Newton conceives “evanescent” quantities as real objects, which vary<br />

in real time: their ultimate ratio (in our language, the limit <strong>of</strong> their ratio)<br />

is thus the value the ratio takes at the moment in which the two values<br />

vanish. It is clear that Newton has no awareness <strong>of</strong> using a mathematical<br />

161 Newton, Philosophiae Naturalis Principia mathematica, Book I, Section I, after scholium to lemma<br />

XI, Motte/Cajori translation.<br />

Revision: 1.11 Date: 2003/01/06 07:48:20

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