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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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whole in the mid-seventh century may, Wood suggests, may be discernable from an<br />

inventory <strong>of</strong> monasteries copied for bishop Caldeoldus <strong>of</strong> Vienne. 197 Clarus himself<br />

placed his mother into the monastery <strong>of</strong> <strong>St</strong> Blandina, which according to the vita had<br />

twenty-five residents at the time. Certainly, the existence <strong>of</strong> dedicated women in the city<br />

from the early sixth century is attested by the presence <strong>of</strong> Fuscina; in turn, these figures<br />

would suggest a fairly long-standing tradition <strong>of</strong> communal life in the city, which<br />

suggests a further context for the apparently exclusively familial existence <strong>of</strong> the bishop’s<br />

sister Fuscina. Communal and individual establishments for living out a dedicated life co-<br />

existed.<br />

There is evidence <strong>of</strong> monastic life, for both men and women, in several cities<br />

prior to the arrival <strong>of</strong> Columbanus. The houses in Arles, the foundations <strong>of</strong> Romanus and<br />

Lupicinus in the Jura and the foundations in Vienne were joined by an early royal<br />

foundation for men, Sigismund <strong>of</strong> Burgundy’s monastery at Agaune, which he made in<br />

515 in honour <strong>of</strong> the Theban legion. 198 Syagrius, bishop <strong>of</strong> Autun (561-602) founded a<br />

monastery for women dedicated to <strong>St</strong> Mary and two for men. 199 At queen Brunhild’s<br />

request, these were given papal privileges. However, for many medieval and modern<br />

writers, Columbanus’ influence was all important; increasing the number <strong>of</strong> foundations,<br />

and transforming the declining religious life <strong>of</strong> the sixth century into the basis for the<br />

triumph <strong>of</strong> ‘orthodox’ Benedictine monasticism under the Carolingians. 200 The existing<br />

and ongoing foundations in the areas in which Columbanus worked disprove this<br />

teleology, and as will be seen in Chapter 5, laid no such basis for a Benedictine reform,<br />

which was only intermittently successful.<br />

197<br />

Vita Clari, AASS Jan I, 55-6; For bishop Caldeoldus, see AASS Jan 1, 975. See also Wood, ‘A Prelude<br />

to Columbanus’, 8-10.<br />

198<br />

Vita sanctorum abbatum acaunensium MGH SSRM VII 329-336. See also Wood, ‘A Prelude to<br />

Columbanus’, 14-16.<br />

199<br />

I. Wood, ‘Jonas, the Merovingians, and Pope Honorius: Diplomata and the Vita Columbani’, A.C.<br />

Murray (ed.) After Rome’s Fall: narrators and sources <strong>of</strong> early medieval history (Toronto, 1998) 99-120, at<br />

113.<br />

200<br />

See in particular P. Riché, ‘Columbanus, his Followers and the Merovingian Church’, in H.B. Clarke<br />

and M. Brennan, Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism (Oxford, 1981), 59-72.<br />

115

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