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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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made his collection with the purpose <strong>of</strong> the edification <strong>of</strong> others. Clearly, texts originally<br />

aimed at a specifically male or female community were deemed suitable to be read and<br />

used by communities <strong>of</strong> either gender. As has already been seen in previous chapters, the<br />

teachings <strong>of</strong> Caesarius had long been sent to and used by male religious. To what extent<br />

did the original intended constituency <strong>of</strong> a rule – monks or nuns – matter? Did Benedict<br />

perceive the Regula virginum primarily as a text dealing with female religious life, a text<br />

dealing with religious life, or a text by the eminent Caesarius which just happened to fit<br />

his current purposes? Benedict’s regard for Caesarius makes him a difficult case study for<br />

issues <strong>of</strong> gender, because it seems likely that his monastic material would have been used<br />

whatever Benedict’s opinion on female religious life happened to be.<br />

Benedict’s inclusion <strong>of</strong> Caesarius’ Regula virginum therefore has a number <strong>of</strong><br />

possible explanations and contexts, most <strong>of</strong> them interrelated. Caesarius’ stock among<br />

Carolingian theologians was high in any case, and the relatively widespread circulation <strong>of</strong><br />

his monastic writings made them a natural choice for inclusion. That the works <strong>of</strong><br />

Caesarius <strong>of</strong> Arles were held in considerable esteem by Carolingian theologians is borne<br />

out by the re-use <strong>of</strong> material from sermons and church councils in addition to the<br />

monastic rules which form the main focus <strong>of</strong> this thesis. 73 Caesarius himself re-used<br />

existing patristic sermons (approximately one third <strong>of</strong> his sermons derive from older<br />

material) but reconfigured the content in order to provide shorter and simpler texts for<br />

more practical and more generally applicable usage. His aim was to make a significant<br />

body <strong>of</strong> spiritually beneficial material accessible to as many people as possible. 74 For<br />

Carolingian preachers such as Paul the Deacon, writing for Charlemagne, the Caesarian<br />

sermons therefore provided a ready supply <strong>of</strong> teachings on Christian virtue. 75 The number<br />

73 G. Morin, Sancti Caesarii episcopi Arelatensis Opera omnia I (Bruges, 1937-42); reprinted as CCSL<br />

103, 104. Morin briefly introduced the significance <strong>of</strong> the sermons in his ‘The homilies <strong>of</strong> <strong>St</strong> Caesarius <strong>of</strong><br />

Arles: their influence on the Christian civilisation <strong>of</strong> Europe’ Orate Fratres XIV (1940) 481-6. See also G.<br />

Bardy ‘La prédication de saint Césaire d’Arles’ RHEF 29 (1943) 200-36, and for a general overview <strong>of</strong><br />

Caesarius’ ‘legacy’, the last chapter <strong>of</strong> Klingshirn, Caesarius.<br />

74 On Caesarius’ skills as a preacher, see in particular Klingshirn, Caesarius, 146-51, and W.M. Daly<br />

‘Caesarius <strong>of</strong> Arles, a precursor <strong>of</strong> medieval Christendom’ Traditio 26 (1970) 1-28, at 8.<br />

75 Extract from an (unidentified) sermon cited by Paul the Deacon in the first section <strong>of</strong> his homiliary,<br />

no.80. Noted by R. McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789-895 (London,<br />

1977), 105. For further discussion <strong>of</strong> Paul the Deacon’s career, see J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish<br />

Church (Oxford, 1983) 200-1. The sermons <strong>of</strong> Caesarius found a further audience through their use in<br />

232

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