Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews
Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews
Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews
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text <strong>of</strong> the Regula virginum was composed in stages between 512 and 534, the chapter<br />
dealing with enclosure was in the first recension; indeed, it is among the very first<br />
stipulations. This anticipates the probable date <strong>of</strong> composition <strong>of</strong> the Vitae patrum<br />
Jurensium, which has been put at c.520. 19 Caesarius could have known <strong>of</strong> the Jura<br />
monastery from other, informal, sources: the Vitae patrum Jurensium itself records<br />
contact with the abbot <strong>of</strong> Lérins around 515, and it seems probable that Caesarius had<br />
kept in touch with his old monastery. 20 It is therefore just conceivable that the anonymous<br />
author <strong>of</strong> the Vitae patrum Jurensium might have chosen to describe longstanding<br />
practices at La Balme in the language <strong>of</strong> the Arles rule, rather than the admittedly more<br />
likely possibility that Caesarius had based his requirement for permanent enclosure on a<br />
monastic practice in the Jura, or even that both founders had come to the same decision<br />
independently <strong>of</strong> each other. This situation contrasts with Guillaume’s assessment <strong>of</strong><br />
foundations which were made later in the sixth century. None <strong>of</strong> these three foundations,<br />
Arles, Marseille and La Balme, fit into the schema he proposes for later sixth-century<br />
houses. Guillaume has noted three main characteristics. Firstly, and <strong>of</strong> particular interest<br />
when considering Caesarius in this regard, foundations tended to be made by an<br />
individual woman or one or more members <strong>of</strong> her family. Bishops were not the initiators<br />
<strong>of</strong> the earliest monasteries; they responded to demand. Secondly, such houses were<br />
urban; again, there is a notable exception, in this case La Balme. Lastly, houses for<br />
women were almost always founded in close proximity to those <strong>of</strong> men. 21 While<br />
admittedly a small sample, these earlier monastic establishments had a somewhat<br />
different character.<br />
It is perhaps a testimony to the scanty existence <strong>of</strong> monastic foundations for<br />
women that the ties between them are so easy to draw out. However, in searching for the<br />
19 Martine, Vie des Pères de Jura, 53-7.<br />
20 Ibid, 433. See also A. de Vogüé (ed. and trans.) Les Règles des Saints Pères 2 vols., SC 297-8 (Paris,<br />
1982). For further comments on the impact <strong>of</strong> the monastery on Lérins, see C. Leyser, Authority, passim.<br />
21 Guillaume, ‘Les abbayes de femmes’, 34. Caesarius’ foundations are used as an example <strong>of</strong> the last point,<br />
although de Vogüé’s analysis <strong>of</strong> his Rules had established the primacy <strong>of</strong> the Rule for Virgins: see A. de<br />
Vogüé, ‘La Règle de Césaire d’Arles pour les moines: un résumé de sa Règle pour les moniales’ Revue<br />
d’Histoire de la Spiritualité (1971) 369-406. Caesarius had been abbot <strong>of</strong> a male monastery in Arles before<br />
making the foundation <strong>of</strong> <strong>St</strong> John, but they were some distance apart and there are no references in the Rule<br />
or the Vita Caesarii to contact between them. It is unclear for which (or indeed, if any) community<br />
Caesarius wrote his Rule for Monks.<br />
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