Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews
Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews
Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews
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in the reform <strong>of</strong> the monastery. 67 There may also have been a wider theological context<br />
for Benedict’s text-collecting and visitation <strong>of</strong> other monasteries. In 785 Elipand,<br />
archbishop <strong>of</strong> Toledo, had begun to suggest that Christ had been merely the adopted son<br />
<strong>of</strong> God. Felix, the bishop <strong>of</strong> Urgel, had become one <strong>of</strong> his adherents, and this ‘heretical’<br />
strand <strong>of</strong> thought had penetrated into Septimania. 68 In response, Benedict composed the<br />
Disputatio adversus Felicianam impietatem, 69 and also ensured that Alcuin’s work,<br />
Adversus Felicem Urgellitanum episcopum, was circulated in the region. 70 Benedict also<br />
preached in person in the region, travelling in areas where adherence to this belief was<br />
strong. 71 Ensuring orthodoxy within monasteries could be achieved at the same time as<br />
laying the ground work for reform on a different plane.<br />
Caesarius’ place in the Codex<br />
While the composition and structure <strong>of</strong> the Codex have been satisfactorily<br />
established, no such certainty can be possible regarding the comprehensiveness <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Codex’s contents. Despite the vita’s assertion that Benedict included every rule he could<br />
find, this cannot be taken as pro<strong>of</strong> that he either did find all <strong>of</strong> the rules or other<br />
normative texts in existence, or that he did in fact include all <strong>of</strong> them. Were there more<br />
works written for female communities that Benedict has not included – and have<br />
therefore been completely lost – because they were not composed by authors <strong>of</strong> the<br />
stature <strong>of</strong> Caesarius? It is possible, and indeed likely, given the eventual purpose <strong>of</strong> the<br />
collection, that he selected the ones to preserve, perhaps on the basis <strong>of</strong> their orthodoxy,<br />
or their popularity in monastic establishments. The disparity between the number <strong>of</strong> texts<br />
written for men and for women – thirty as against six – may bear this out. It is impossible<br />
to be sure whether there figures are a reflection on the texts actually in existence, the fact<br />
67 Ibid., 83.<br />
68 Bonnerue, Benedicti Anianensis Concordia Regularum CCCM 168 (Turnhout, 1999) 37-9. On<br />
Adoptionism in general, see J. Cavadini, The Last Christology <strong>of</strong> the West. Adoptionism in Spain and Gaul,<br />
785-820 (Philadelphia, 1993).<br />
69 PL 103, 1399-1411.<br />
70 G.B. Blumenshine Liber Alcuini contra haeresim Felicis (Vatican, 1980). Alcuin’s letter <strong>of</strong> June 800 is<br />
edited by E. Dümmler, MGH Epp. IV (Munich 1895/1978), 340-2 (no. 205).<br />
71 See, for instance, Alcuin’s letter to him on the subject: Dümmler (ed.) MGH Epp. IV, no. 200.<br />
230