Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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female monasteries. 45 This was a concern of some longevity: it had already been addressed by the council of Verneuil in 755. If nuns were too poor to keep observance of their cloister, they could appeal to king for financial assistance. 46 By far the greatest attention to dedicated women was given by the council of Chalons. (weave in stuff already written). As with the council of Tours, the particular concern of the council is with the standards of religious life. The series of canons on dedicated religious opens with a statement on the proportion of male monasteries which follow the Benedictine rule. Noting that the majority (paene omnia) of male monasteria regularia in the region now follow the regula sancti Benedicti, the bishops state their intentions to discover which communities do not. 47 This enquiry suggests that the bishops at the Chalons council fully intended the male houses in the region to be Benedictine – although the proposed survey possibly also indicates that they are somewhat less sanguine about the precise numbers of houses which follow the Benedictine rule than first appears. The council does not express similar concerns about the number of female monasteries that are Benedictine. It includes a number of clauses dealing with the proper behaviour of sanctimoniales within their monasteries: canon fifty-nine, in particular, decrees that nuns should learn to read and to sing, lists the ordo they should complete, and even describes how they should eat and sleep. 48 Perhaps most significantly, two clauses indicate that the bishops at this council recognised two distinct types of institution-based dedicated women. In addition to clauses dealing with general aspects of nuns’ conduct, one clause deals specifically with 45 For an example of this, see Jane Martindale’s article about the somewhat later community at Beaulieu, J. Martindale ‘The nun Immena and the foundation of the abbey of Beaulieu: a woman’s prospects in the Carolingian Church’ SCH 27, 27-42. 46 Verneuil (755), MGH Capit I, 34, can. VI. 47 Chalons-sur-Saône (813), can. XXII: De abbatibus vero et monachis idcirco hic pauca scribimus, quia paene omnia monasteria regularia in his regionibus constituta secundum regulam sancti Benedicti se viviere fatentur; quae beati Benedicti documenta per omnia demonstrant, qualiter eis vivendum sit. Inquiratur ergo diligenter, ubi secundum ipsum ordinem vivitur et ubi ab ipso ordine digressum est, et iuxta eiusdem beati viri institutionem vivere certent qui se, ut ita viverent, cum adtestatione professi sunt. 48 Chalons-sur-Saône (813), can. LIX: Sanctimoniales in monasterio constitutae habeant studio in legendo et in cantando, in psalmorum celebratione sive oratione et horas canonicas, …. completoriam pariter celebrent et omnes, excepta quam infirmitas tenet, in dormitorio dormiant et omnibus diebus ad collationem veniant. 225
‘sanctimoniales…quae se canonicas vocant’. 49 The clause suggests that although these women already live according to a monastic rule, their particular way of life merits further admonitiunculas being produced by order of the council. While the basic nature of their lifestyle remained the same as those nuns who were not canonicas, they lived out their vocations in a somewhat different manner. A further clause suggests one of the differences. Canon sixty-one decrees that nuns (sanctimoniales) should not eat, drink or hold meetings with men of whatever kind in their own houses (in propriis mansionibus). 50 Clearly the basic ethos behind this statement can easily be traced back to Caesarius’ warnings that men should not be permitted to enter the monastery of St John, and if they are, must be met in the salutatorium with two or three other nuns in attendance. 51 The difference lies in the fact that according to this clause, nuns who followed a monastic rule were also living in their own houses. Does this indicate, however, that such women were still in their own family households, and living according to a monastic rule? Probably not; presumably the presence of men would be much harder to control. This clause therefore appears to suggest a different form of community in which women lived in their own houses but within the defined space of a religious community: canonesses. The fifth and final council, that of Mainz, took a similarly pluralistic view of the dedicated women in its purview. It is particularly interesting in its breakdown on recommendations by category: successive clauses deal with canonical life (De vita canonicorum), clerical life (De vita clericorum), monastic life (De vita monachorum, which is defined as being lived secundum doctrinam sanctae regulae Benedicti), and ‘holy virgins’ (De sacris virginibus). 52 This last clause, dealing with dedicated women, is intended to apply to two distinct types of nuns (sanctimoniales). The first, those who 49 Chalons-sur-Saône (813), can. LIII: Libuit namque huic sacro conventui quasdam admonitiunculas breviter eis sanctimonialibus scribere, quae se canonicas vocant, quoniam hae, quae sub monasticae regulae norma degunt, totius vitae suae ordinem in eadem, quam profitentur, regula scriptum habent. 50 Chalons-sur-Saône (813) can. LXI: Non debere sanctimoniales in propriis mansionibus cum aliquibus masculis, clericis sive laicis, consanguineis sive extraneis, bibere sive comedere, sed, si quando id agendum est, in auditorio agatur; et ubi auditorium deest fiat. Et cum nullo masculo eis colloquium habere liceat nisi in auditorio et ibi coram testibus. 51 RV 36, 38. 52 Mainz (813), cans. IX, X, XI, and XIII. 226
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ABSTRACT The history of western mon
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COPYRIGHT In submitting this thesis
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS An extended projec
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ILCV E. Diehl (ed.) Inscriptiones L
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INTRODUCTION In 1942, Dom Philibert
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of women’s dedicated life have ne
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(506), Arles (524), Carpentras (527
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does not attempt to discuss the ent
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victory at the battle of Tertry in
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history at that time. However, Wemp
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of involvement in religious life, h
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out, the history of monasticism has
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virginum and Vereor, in the collect
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Caesarius by commissioning his vita
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These problems of interpretation ar
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text of the Regula virginum was com
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Dedicated virgins also appear in no
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lifestyles. Canon XXVII, which proh
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way of life she had chosen, or may
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context, suggests the closeness bet
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abbot, ‘filling the role of spiri
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without learning walks in the shado
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The abbess Caesaria and the foundat
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form of monastic life for women and
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Cæsarii monitis luci sociata peren
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known as St Césaire. This suggeste
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and overturned by savage barbarians
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would not have contemplated writing
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the life she probably already led.
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1-47; the Recapitulatio, chapters 4
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island of Lérins. On leaving home
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the festival of St Genesius of Arle
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consideration, and aspiration can b
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which, as we have seen, allowed for
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Aspects of the Recapitulatio emphas
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Conclusion This chapter has located
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seventh centuries, there was theref
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Of particular interest to the prese
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Benedict was making his collection,
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first of September; on Mondays, Wed
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IN PACE REQVI T . BONAE . M DIVS N
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The early part of Teridius’ lette
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transmission of the rule from one m
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This is apparent, not only in Caesa
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ecords that ‘she [Radegund] and t
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ore the holy body with psalms benea
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instigation of her successor Celsa.
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of Caesarius, although there is no
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other abbess. 122 Florentius, writi
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these rules survive only through th
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in Arles that abbess Caesaria commi
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poison of the devil’. 152 Aurelia
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virginum had penetrated as far as t
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knowledge of its requirements (Regu
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about his mother’s community. Ano
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monk’s relationship with God, or
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Dedicated life in the seventh centu
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Although Jonas sought to present Co
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Barisis. 210 Neither were kings the
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of Eboriac in fact provides one of
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indeed have been a fairly common si
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particular virtue or practice of mo
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would soon be separated from the li
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CHAPTER 3 The Manuscript Caesarius:
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either the list from Fulda is evide
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appended their signatures to the Re
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The question that presents itself i
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the greater part of the conclusion
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the bishop’s family. 36 Other pos
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permission, she went to Trier where
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Vereor circulated as part of a ‘p
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ff. 36-40v ? 60 ff. 40v-44v Ambrose
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ff. 79-81 Columbanus Qualiter monac
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The Vatican manuscript is evidently
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Incipit: Sacrilegis monachis emptor
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whether any given section was or wa
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contains a number of shorter pieces
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evealing. It suggests that this col
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Caesarian text package booklet x ge
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stood with regard to the ownership
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the Preface to his ‘book of spark
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Caesarius’ sermons) and includes
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that the subject matter of the manu
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his apparently personal letter of g
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with matters affecting the monaster
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CHAPTER 4 Dedicated Women, Monaster
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Page 179 and 180: appears not to have played so large
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Page 183 and 184: foundress of Oeren. 39 She had seve
Page 185 and 186: his wife Reine (Regina?), a relativ
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Page 189 and 190: Leoba. 65 A third was the double ho
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Page 193 and 194: turmoil... and the chain of innumer
Page 195 and 196: more personal level, Leoba credited
Page 197 and 198: written sometime before 738, Bonifa
Page 199 and 200: occasioned Boniface’s reply on th
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Page 203 and 204: Carloman. 118 Carloman was later to
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Page 207 and 208: with Neustrian and Austrasian-based
Page 209 and 210: As Claussen notes, this sermon typi
Page 211 and 212: abbesses, abbots appear to have had
Page 213 and 214: which saw changes - the composition
Page 215 and 216: By any standards, however, the degr
Page 217 and 218: law: all men (and in this case, wom
Page 219 and 220: indicators of a loss of the abbess
Page 221 and 222: and bear in mind the joys fitting f
Page 223 and 224: Legislation for dedicated women: th
Page 225: of the council of Tours cannot but
Page 229 and 230: stringent monastic life than that o
Page 231 and 232: in the reform of the monastery. 67
Page 233 and 234: made his collection with the purpos
Page 235 and 236: intended would be used to guide and
Page 237 and 238: thought and purity of heart. 91 Cha
Page 239 and 240: circumstantial evidence. 98 Similar
Page 241 and 242: all religious women together and di
Page 243 and 244: into the depths of hell’. 114 Mos
Page 245 and 246: primarily intended for canonesses.
Page 247 and 248: Emmeram in Regensburg, 131 and the
Page 249 and 250: Immena’s monastery should exist a
Page 251 and 252: canonical lives: ‘utrum canonicam
Page 253 and 254: perpetual virginity of Mary at the
Page 255 and 256: patterns to follow that living acco
Page 257 and 258: The reforming activities of Benedic
Page 259 and 260: This way of approaching the textual
Page 261 and 262: Manuscripts consulted BIBLIOGRAPHY
Page 263 and 264: Caesarius of Arles, Sermones. Ed. G
Page 265 and 266: Gregory of Tours, Liber vitae patru
Page 267 and 268: Victricius of Rouen, De laude sanct
Page 269 and 270: Claussen M.A., The Reform of the Fr
Page 271 and 272: Guyon J. and Heijmans M. (eds.), D
Page 273 and 274: Lerner G., ‘Placing women in hist
Page 275 and 276: McNamara J.A., ‘A legacy of mirac
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Rapp C., ‘”For next to God, you
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Smith J.A., Ordering Women’s Live
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Werminghoff A., ‘Die Beschlüsse
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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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