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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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the properties held by bishops either in the right <strong>of</strong> their own families or those <strong>of</strong> their<br />

bishoprics. 206 However, this sense <strong>of</strong> a new direction for Gallic monasticism can be<br />

exaggerated. Undoubtedly Columbanus provided a context and direction for the spiritual<br />

impulses <strong>of</strong> families such as Burgund<strong>of</strong>ara’s, but this may have found an outlet in any<br />

case. It is worth reiterating the paucity <strong>of</strong> source material for the north <strong>of</strong> Gaul in this<br />

period; the fact that fewer foundations were recorded in this area should not be taken as a<br />

certain indicator that a monastic desert existed there before the Irish monk’s arrival. 207<br />

Against this background, too much reliance can be placed on Jonas’ version <strong>of</strong> events, as<br />

one <strong>of</strong> the few sources that has survived. His portrayal <strong>of</strong> a number <strong>of</strong> northern<br />

Burgundian aristocratic families creating a monastic ‘movement’ solely under the<br />

auspices <strong>of</strong> Columbanus is evidently intended to demonstrate the spirituality and<br />

authority <strong>of</strong> Columbanus himself, rather than to record the pressures and impulses behind<br />

a few monastic foundations.<br />

However, it is worth spending some time examining the strategic involvement <strong>of</strong><br />

the king and his immediate family. Kings had been associated with new monasteries<br />

before – one need only think <strong>of</strong> Childebert’s assistance with Aurelian’s foundation in<br />

Arles, Clothar’s support for Radegund’s monastery <strong>of</strong> Holy Cross in the late 550s, or <strong>of</strong><br />

Childebert’s foundation <strong>of</strong> <strong>St</strong> Medard in Soissons, in 557. In the seventh century, kings<br />

granted land to individuals for the purpose <strong>of</strong> founding monasteries, but with different<br />

strategic ends in view. Political power was increasingly in the hands <strong>of</strong> those holding<br />

lands in the countryside rather than controlling interests in the cities. Royal methods <strong>of</strong><br />

controlling those interests had themselves to be based around the control <strong>of</strong> landed<br />

estates. As Wood suggests, this had echoes <strong>of</strong> Anglo-Saxon rather than Gallo- Roman<br />

practice. 208 Dagobert (612-639) gave lands at Solignac to Eligius, and the estate <strong>of</strong> Rebais<br />

to Dado. 209 Childeric (king <strong>of</strong> Austrasia 657-675, and <strong>of</strong> Neustria-Burgundy 673-675)<br />

endowed Amandus with Nant, and with his wife Chimnechildis endowed him with<br />

206 For this north-south divide in Burgundy, see Wood, ‘A Prelude to Columbanus’, 13. For a more general<br />

overview, F. Prinz, ‘Columbanus, the Frankish Nobility and the Territories East <strong>of</strong> the Rhine’, in H.B.<br />

Clarke and M. Brennan, Columbanus and Merovingian Monasticism (Oxford, 1981), 73-87, at 75-6.<br />

207 I. Wood The Merovingian Kingdoms, 450-751 (Longman: London, 1994), 185.<br />

208 I. Wood, ‘The Vita Columbani and Merovingian Hagiography’, Peritia 1 (1982) 63-80, at 76-7.<br />

209 Vita Eligii I.15, ed. B. Krusch, MGH SSRM IV, 663-742.<br />

117

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