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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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The question that presents itself is that <strong>of</strong> the origin <strong>of</strong> the Caesarian material. Did<br />

abbess Uta request the rule from another monastery, perhaps inspired by its earlier<br />

association with the Benedictine rule in Benedict <strong>of</strong> Aniane’s ‘reform documents’, or was<br />

there a pre-existing knowledge <strong>of</strong> the text in Bavaria? 19 One possible conduit that Morin<br />

identified lies in the missionary activities <strong>of</strong> Erhard and Emmeram in the seventh century.<br />

Both men came from Gaul; Emmeram (d.c. 715), most notably, came from the Poitiers<br />

region, where knowledge <strong>of</strong> Caesarius’ rule was strong. 20 Indeed, Emmeram’s vita, by<br />

Arbeo, bishop <strong>of</strong> Freising (764-783), claims that its subject was the bishop <strong>of</strong> Poitiers,<br />

which would place him in the ideal position for gaining knowledge <strong>of</strong> the monastic rules<br />

in his diocese. 21 However, Wood suggests that this might have been a rhetorical device<br />

with the aim <strong>of</strong> increasing Emmeram’s episcopal credentials. 22 There is unfortunately no<br />

other evidence for Emmeram’s life to confirm or disprove the details given in his vita.<br />

Despite its high quality illumination, this was a manuscript for practical use. The<br />

text differs in several places from that <strong>of</strong> the other copies <strong>of</strong> the Regula virginum; it was<br />

not merely a collector’s item <strong>of</strong> antiquarian interest to accompany the Regula Benedicti.<br />

The present manuscript contains all <strong>of</strong> the ‘original’ rule (caps. 1-47) and the<br />

recapitulatio (caps. 48-65). In common with the Munich and Berlin manuscripts, it<br />

includes a table <strong>of</strong> contents at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the ‘original’ rule, but <strong>of</strong> particular<br />

interest, it is the only manuscript to have a second such table at the beginning <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Recapitulatio. 23 These were instructions intended to be referred to. Not only does this<br />

demonstrate the currency <strong>of</strong> the rule within the community, it also alerts us to the fact<br />

that originally the manuscript also contained most <strong>of</strong> Caesarius’ ordines on prayer and<br />

eating. 24 In sum, this recension <strong>of</strong> the rule contained all <strong>of</strong> its elements apart from two<br />

chapters <strong>of</strong> the ordines and the final three concluding chapters, which included the<br />

19<br />

One <strong>of</strong> the extant manuscripts <strong>of</strong> the Institutio Sanctimonialium was almost certainly known at the<br />

community at Niedermünster: see below, Chapter Five, at 246-7.<br />

20<br />

Morin, ‘Problèmes’, 10. Erhard was buried at Niedermünster, which he founded; Emmeram was the<br />

martyred bishop <strong>of</strong> Regensburg.<br />

21<br />

Arbeo <strong>of</strong> Freising, Vita Emmerammus, AASS Sept VI, 474-84.<br />

22<br />

I. Wood The Missionary Life: Saints and the Evangelisation <strong>of</strong> Europe, 400-1050 (Harlow, 2001), at 151.<br />

23<br />

This table <strong>of</strong> contents is reproduced in de Vogüé, Oeuvres pour les moniales, 130-1.<br />

24<br />

De Vogüé, Oeuvres pour les moniales, 130-2.<br />

134

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