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Lindsay Rudge PhD Thesis - University of St Andrews

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As discussed above, the letter to Radegund possesses a unique value as the<br />

expression <strong>of</strong> an early medieval nun’s own view <strong>of</strong> her spiritual life and beliefs. 75 From a<br />

practical point <strong>of</strong> view, however, it also mentions in passing the way in which a<br />

normative text passed between two communities. Caesaria opens her letter, ‘Having<br />

received your message and read it more than once’. 76 The female religious community as<br />

a potential centre <strong>of</strong> epistolary activity had been foreseen by Caesarius himself, in<br />

legislating against sending or receiving secret letters and gifts. 77 Knowledge <strong>of</strong> other<br />

communities and their inhabitants could be widespread. Although the ex-queen<br />

Radegund remained more <strong>of</strong> a public figure than the average nun, Caesaria’s admonition,<br />

‘I have heard that you fast too much’, reveals the circulation <strong>of</strong> news (and, perhaps,<br />

gossip) between religious houses. 78 Against this backdrop, then, Caesaria’s letter reveals<br />

ongoing communication between the two houses, as she can confirm to Radegund that ‘I<br />

have done what you requested: I am sending you a copy <strong>of</strong> the rule which our blessed<br />

father lord Caesarius <strong>of</strong> happy memory made, so that you may see how you can keep<br />

it’. 79 Caesaria’s easy access to copies <strong>of</strong> the Regula virginum is evident, and may be a<br />

further indication that the nuns <strong>of</strong> <strong>St</strong> John were undertaking such scribal work. Equally<br />

clear is Radegund’s deliberate choice <strong>of</strong> the Caesarian rule as her preferred option for<br />

Holy Cross.<br />

However, based on an ambiguous statement made by Gregory <strong>of</strong> Tours, some<br />

scholars have posited a voyage by Radegund and Agnes to Arles, to obtain a copy <strong>of</strong> the<br />

rule in person. When Maroveus, the bishop <strong>of</strong> Poitiers, proved less than helpful, Gregory<br />

75<br />

Hagiography written by women, such as Baudonivia’s vita <strong>of</strong> Radegund, <strong>of</strong>fers its own insights, but there<br />

are very few confirmed examples. See S. Wemple, Women in Frankish Society, 181-187; for an overview<br />

<strong>of</strong> early medieval female literary activity and involvement, see also J. Nelson, ‘Gender and Genre in<br />

Women Historians <strong>of</strong> the Early Middle Ages’ in J.-P. Genet (ed.) L’historiographie médiévale en Europe<br />

(Paris: Editions du CNRS, 1991), 149-63; the article also appears in J. Nelson, The Frankish World, 750-<br />

900 (Aldershot: Variorum, 1996) 183-197. An important article by Rosamond McKitterick, ‘Women and<br />

Literacy in the Early Middle Ages’ in eadem, Books, Scribes and Learning in the Frankish Kingdoms, 6 th –<br />

9 th Centuries (Aldershot: Variorum, 1994) 1-43, esp. at 22-36, argues that anonymous vitae <strong>of</strong> women may<br />

well have had female authors who were not credited.<br />

76<br />

Eng. tr. SWDA, 114.<br />

77<br />

RV 25.<br />

78<br />

‘Pervenit ad me, quod nimis abstineas’, de Vogüé, Œuvres pour les moniales, 486. The use <strong>of</strong> ‘tu’ rather<br />

than ‘vos’ in the following sentence, Totum rationabiliter fac, si tu mihi vivas et semper possis, further<br />

suggests the personal message to Radegund here: my thanks to Julia Smith for this insight.<br />

79<br />

‘Ego feci quod praecepistis: transmisi exemplar de regula, quam nobis beatae et sanctae recordationis<br />

domnus papa Caesarius fecit’, de Vogüé, Œuvres pour les moniales, 486.<br />

89

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